The experience of the 2023 elections and the political developments that have followed make one point increasingly unavoidable: if Nigeria’s left, labour movement, and progressive forces remain divided, they will continue to struggle against entrenched elite dominance. The challenge is not simply about replacing one administration with another, but about building a political alternative capable of transforming the conditions of ordinary people—workers, young people, and rural communities whose lives are shaped by unemployment, inflation, weak public services, and widening inequality.

At the centre of the current political order is the administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, whose economic reforms have sparked intense debate. While supporters frame these policies as necessary restructuring, many Nigerians experience them in the form of rising living costs and declining purchasing power. In such a context, opposition politics cannot afford fragmentation, personal rivalries, or organisational instability. Disunity only strengthens the existing order.

The lesson of 2023 is therefore both simple and profound. The Labour Party, energised by mass participation and youth mobilisation, especially around the candidacy of Peter Obi, demonstrated that a different kind of politics is possible in Nigeria. For the first time in years, a broad section of workers, students, and urban poor found a political expression that felt close to their daily struggles. It showed that when progressive forces come together, they can disrupt established political patterns and challenge the dominance of traditional parties.

But the same experience also revealed the fragility of such coalitions. Internal disputes, factional struggles, and defections weakened the momentum that had been built. Figures such as Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed and others moved away from the platform, while elected representatives shifted allegiance under pressure. These developments exposed a deeper problem: without ideological clarity, organisational discipline, and long-term unity, electoral breakthroughs can quickly dissolve.

This is not unique to one party. Across the broader opposition landscape, fragmentation remains the defining feature. The African Action Congress, the Peoples Redemption Party, and other progressive formations all carry elements of radical critique and popular appeal, yet they remain divided in strategy and organisation. Even movements inspired by long-standing traditions of resistance—such as those associated with Fela Anikulapo-Kuti—continue to influence political consciousness without translating into sustained political power.

The labour movement itself sits at the centre of this contradiction. On one hand, organisations such as the Nigeria Labour Congress have repeatedly demonstrated the capacity to mobilise workers around wages, subsidies, and public services. On the other hand, this industrial strength has not consistently been converted into political cohesion. The demands of workers—decent minimum wage, accessible healthcare, quality education, and social protection—require more than negotiation with governments; they require political power that can set national priorities.

From a broader intellectual perspective, this challenge is not new. Antonio Gramsci argued that ruling systems maintain power not only through institutions but through division—by preventing opposition forces from forming a unified “historic bloc” capable of challenging the status quo. In Nigeria today, the fragmentation of progressive and labour-aligned politics reflects exactly this problem. Disunity weakens resistance, while unity creates the possibility of transformation.

At the same time, the writings of thinkers such as Frantz Fanon remind us that liberation movements succeed only when they overcome internal divisions and connect political struggle to the material needs of the people. Across the world, from Latin America to parts of Asia, left and progressive coalitions have succeeded where they managed to bring together labour unions, social movements, and political organisations around a shared programme of redistribution and social justice.

In Nigeria, the task ahead is therefore not merely electoral coordination but political reconstruction. A viable left alternative must be grounded in clear commitments: a living minimum wage that reflects economic reality, large-scale investment in public healthcare and education, industrial policies that create jobs, tax reforms that shift the burden away from workers and toward wealthier elites, and strong protection for trade union rights. These are not abstract ideals; they are practical responses to everyday hardship.

However, policy alone is not enough. Unity must be built structurally, not rhetorically. That means developing durable coalitions between parties and labour organisations, strengthening internal democracy within progressive movements, integrating youth-led activism into formal political structures, and ensuring that disagreements do not repeatedly fracture collective efforts. Without such discipline, even the most promising movements will continue to rise and fall without achieving lasting change.

The current moment, then, presents both a warning and an opportunity. Disunity has repeatedly weakened opposition forces, but the level of public dissatisfaction also creates space for something new. If the left and progressive forces in Nigeria can overcome their divisions and build a coherent, organised, and disciplined alliance, they can move from being fragmented voices of protest to becoming a credible force for national transformation.

In the end, unity is not the final objective. It is the condition that makes every other objective possible.

Votes according to INEC in 2023:

Is Governor Otti a Good Labour Party Governor of Abia State?

Governor Alex Otti has generally been regarded as one of the more reform-oriented Labour Party governors in Nigeria, particularly in terms of fiscal discipline, wage policy, and efforts to stabilise public sector finances in Abia State. His administration has taken notable steps in addressing long-standing structural issues inherited from previous governments, though challenges remain in fully consolidating these gains.

On labour relations, the Abia State leadership under Otti has been credited by the state chapter of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) for being among the early adopters of the 2024 national minimum wage framework and its consequential adjustments. However, implementation has not been without delays and phased rollouts, with some adjustments for different grade levels concluded in early 2025. While this reflects fiscal caution, labour stakeholders have pointed out that inflation has reduced the real value of wage increases, meaning that improvements in take-home pay have not always translated into equivalent improvements in living standards.

There have also been ongoing tensions with some public sector unions, including reports of prolonged industrial action such as that involving the Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) in 2026. These developments suggest that while dialogue structures exist, labour relations remain an area requiring stronger institutional resolution mechanisms.

In terms of social sector investment, Abia’s 2026 budget allocation reflects a moderate but not exceptional commitment to education and health. Education spending is reported at around 20 percent, which is below UNESCO’s recommended benchmark of 26 percent and lower than some neighbouring states such as Enugu, but broadly consistent with regional averages. Health allocation at about 15 percent aligns more closely with international norms. Overall, this indicates a pragmatic approach to social spending, though there is room for more ambitious investment in human capital development.

A key area of emphasis in Otti’s administration has been fiscal cleanup and legacy debt management. The government has earmarked over ₦10 billion in the 2026 fiscal year toward clearing long-standing gratuity arrears, part of a broader effort to resolve decades of pension liabilities. While this is a significant step toward restoring confidence among retired workers, it also highlights the scale of unresolved obligations, meaning full settlement will likely require sustained multi-year funding.

On salary and pension administration, the government has reported improved regularity of payments, with salaries and pensions now largely disbursed on a more predictable monthly cycle compared to past years of irregularity. This has been presented as part of a broader effort to restore credibility in public finance management.

From a fiscal structure perspective, the 2026 budget places strong emphasis on capital expenditure, reportedly around 80 percent of total spending. This suggests a development-oriented agenda focused on infrastructure and long-term growth. However, concerns have been raised about the absence of timely budget performance reports and audited financial statements for some recent fiscal years, which are important for transparency and accountability.

Overall Assessment

Overall, Governor Alex Otti’s administration can be characterised as reform-driven, fiscally focused, and relatively responsive to long-standing structural issues in Abia State, particularly wage regularisation and debt management. At the same time, challenges remain in areas such as labour relations consistency, depth of social sector investment, and transparency in financial reporting.

In summary, while not without shortcomings, his governance style reflects a transition phase—shifting Abia State toward greater fiscal order and infrastructural investment, even as expectations remain high for stronger social outcomes and more consistent engagement with organised labour.