By Femi Aborisade
Introduction
I thank the leadership of the union for inviting me to give a speech on “Re-engineering NUSDE for growth and effective Service Delivery” at the at the 6th Quadrennial (but 13th) National Delegates’ Conference of the Union.
The 1st National Delegates Conference of NUSDE (i.e. the Inaugural Conference) was held in Benin in 1977. The First Biennial Delegates Conference (i.e. the 2nd National Delegates Conference) was held at the Hill Station Hotel, Jos, Plateau State on 27TH – 28TH October 1980.The First Triennial Delegates Conference (but the 3nd National Delegates Conference) was held at Aba, Enyimba City, at the Conference Hall Of Crystal Park Hotel on 27th & 28th October 1983. The 2nd Triennial National Delegates Conference (but 4th National Delegates Conference) was held in Enugu, Anambra State in 1986.The 3rd Triennial (but 5th) National Delegates Conference was held at Rendezvous Group Hotels, Kanuri, Kaduna, Kaduna State on 16TH to 17TH November 1989. I have captured the events of those early National Delegates Conferences in a proposed book on the history of NUSDE, which I hope the Union will be interested in a re-discussion that will lead to the conclusion of the book project.
THE CHALLENGE OF THE ECONOMY ON THE STATE OF MEMBERSHIP STRENGTH OF THE UNION
We cannot deny the fact that the state of the economy has a tremendous impact on growth or decline of the membership strength of any Union and the fate of NUSDE cannot be different.
It may not be reasonably disputed that the ruling class is inflicting the harshest burden on the working class in the entire history of the Nigerian economy under the anti-working-class policies of the Bola Ahmed Tinubu regime since the 29th day of May 2023.
The most vicious and pernicious attacks on living standards have occurred under the current regime. This has had huge effects on the membership strength which has been on a steady decline.
We can measure the effects of the economy on the living standards of workers by considering two main factors – minimum wage and exchange rate. Minimum wage in 1981 was N125 per month. The Exchange rate in 1981 was USD$1 to N6 Kobo. In 1981, the Minimum wage of N125 was equivalent to $208. In 1981, fuel was being bought at the rate of 15.3 Kobo per litre. Therefore, the Minimum wage of N125 could purchase 817 litres of fuel. In May 2023, Minimum wage of N30,000 (Thirty Thousand Naira) could buy 154 litres. Today, 15th day of November, 2024, the Minimum Wage of N70, 000 (Seventy thousand Naira), where and if paid, can buy only 63.6 litres compared to 154 litres in May 2023 and 817 litres in 1981.
As against the Exchange rate of USD$1 to 6 Kobo in 1981, today, US$1 exchanges for one thousand, six hundred and seventy Naira, forty one Kobo (i.e. N 1,670.41).
The realities also show that in the entire history of devaluation of the national currency or devaluation of living standards or destruction of living standards, the regime of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has surpassed all others.
For the masses of our people, life appears to have been turned upside down from 29th of May 2023. Exchange Rate as at May 2023 shortly before President Tinubu took over was USD$1 to N461. As at today, the Exchange Rate is USD$1 to N1,670.41, as stated above. Within a period of barely one year, 2023-2024, there has been a percentage change or devaluation in the value of the national currency, the Naira, by 258%.
UNDERSTANDING PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU (PBAT)
It is critically important to understand President Bola Ahmed Tinubu from the point of view of the difficulties being faced by ordinary people.
Two important position papers authored by PBAT may be used to know who the President is, from the standpoint of the masses.
The first is the statement dated 8th January 2012 but published on 11th January 2012 entitled “Removal of oil subsidy: President Jonathan Breaks Social Contract with the People”. It is still available online.
In that paper, President Tinubu opposed the fuel price increase under Jonathan. He called it “the Jonathan Tax”, meant to “make the New Year a bitter one” for the masses.
President Tinubu went further:
“…the federal government breached the social contract with the people. This government, which owes its very existence to the people’s desire to be governed by someone more humble than elitist, has turned its back on the collective will. By bureaucratic fiat, government made the most fateful economic decision any administration has made since the inception of the Fourth Republic and it has done so with an arrogant wave of the hand as if issuing a minor regulation. Because of the terrible substance of the decision and the haughty style of its enactment, the people feel betrayed and angry. At this moment, we know not to where this anger will lead. In good conscience, we pray against violence. Also in good conscience, it is the duty of every citizen to peacefully demonstrate and record their opposition to this draconian measure that is swiftly crippling the economy more than it will ever cure it.
By taking this step, government has tossed the people into the depths of the midnight sea. Government demands the people swim to safety under their own power, claiming the attendant hardship will build character and add efficiency to the national economy. It is easy to make these claims when one is dry and on shore. Government would have us believe that every hardship it manufactures for the people to endure is a good thing. This is a lie. The hardships they thrust upon the poor often bear no other purpose than to keep them poor. This is such a time.
I am not calling President Jonathan an evil man. I do not believe he is perverse. However, the economic ideas controlling him are so misguided that they have a perverse impact. Because he is slave to wrong-headed economics, the people will become enslaved to greater misery. This crisis will bear his name and will be his legacy. The people now pay a steep tax for voting him into office. The removal of the subsidy is the “Jonathan tax.” This situation shows that ideas count more than personalities. People may occupy office but how that person performs depends on the ideas that occupy his mind.”
I think the most important part of the paper of the then Asiwaju Tinubu (now PBAT) lies in the understanding, as he expressly put it in the paper, that:
“…As there is progressive politics, there is progressive economics. As there is elitist politics, there is elitist economics. It all depends on what and who in society government would rather favour. ..
This whole issue boils down to whether government believes the general public is worth a certain level of expenditure. It is like the situation where a man dates more than one woman. To each, he promises love thus nothing can be deduced from his words. However, we know he will spend and dote more on one and she will be the one he loves above the others. When banks were in distress, government produced billions of naira out of thin air and in record time. It was explained the swift expenditure was needed to stop the banking system from imploding. There was no worry that government would be bankrupted. If the banks were to fall twenty times in the future, government would jump twenty times to their rescue. It does so because this government lives a conservative economics placing it in close alliance, if not collusion, with corporate power.
However, because the distance between government and the people is far and genuine level of affection is low, government sees no utility in continuing to spend the current level of money on the people. In their mind, the people are not worth the money. Government sees more value in “saving” money than in saving the hard-pressed masses”.
The second paper is the Presidential Speech entitled “Nigeria’s economic challenges” delivered on the 31st day of July 2023 in his bid to explain the hardship following removal of fuel subsidy, by his regime.
The 12th paragraph of the Presidential Speech sums up the essence of the 44-Paragraph speech and perhaps the essence of his government. The summary of the Presidential Speech is that for the masses, there is no alternative to suffering, hardship, uncertainty, and hurting tough life.
The 12th paragraph goes as follows:
“Our economy is going through a tough patch and you are being hurt by it. The cost of fuel has gone up. Food and other prices have followed it. Households and businesses struggle. Things seem anxious and uncertain. I understand the hardship you face. I wish there were other ways. But there is not. If there were, I would have taken that route as I came here to help not hurt the people and nation that I love.”
The essence of the Presidential Speech therefore is that the reign of PBAT promises hell on Earth, pains and pangs for the masses, in the midst of plenty, as reflected in the purchase of Presidential Jets, presidential Yacht and donations of billions of Naira by the unelected First Lady.
Thus, in the said Speech, the President shows that he is in love with only businesses and business owners.
We need to appreciate that the capitalist ruling class does not rule in the common or mutual interest of all classes. The ruling class rules, not in the interest of the “nation” but in the interest of the capitalist class.
PBAT is the best representative of this class who does not pretend that he is in power to rule in the interest of the bourgeoisie. He makes it clear that, for the masses, there is no alternative to his pervasive poverty-perpetrating policies.
If we apply the principle he espoused in his January 2012 paper to his 2023 fuel subsidy removal, it is that PBAT consciously uses State Power to benefit the capitalist class and punish the masses. It is a choice, a political choice.
WHAT KIND OF UNIONISM DO WE NEED TO BUILD TO MEET THE CHALLENGES OF THE TIMES WE LIVE?
- Class Struggle Unionism
Nigeria has a President that is unapologetically committed to advancing and protecting the class interests of the employers of labour. That context requires that we build a class struggle unionism. We need a class struggle unionism that will fight for the policy of wage indexation – a policy that favours review of minimum wage to match the rate of inflation among other welfare needs of workers. In the present-day Nigeria, workers and their unions can no longer survive without having their wages and salaries reviewed as cost of living rises by the policies of the regime.
- AGGRESSIVE MEMBERSHIP RECRUITMENT
There is strength in number. To fight successfully, we need to unionise all un-unionised companies. This can be done through full time union organisers and workers-recruiting workers program. An inspiring leadership of NUSDE can inspire rank and file workers to take on this challenge. Please see the inspiring examples of how Starbucks Workers’ organise to grow their union. A lot of materials are available online on Starbucks Workers’ efforts in this regard. For example:
https://www.organisenow.org.uk/starbucks-organising/
- Solidarity
Undertake constitutional amendment to commit NUSDE to a union built on solidarity.
It would strengthen the labour movement if every union includes the concern for solidarity with other unions, nationally and internationally, as part of their constitutionally guaranteed policy objectives. More often than not, unions win their demands either from employers or government, as the case may be, not only on the basis of their own localized strength but also on the basis of different forms of solidarity by other unions, nationally and internationally. This reality could be codified and reflected in the union’s constitution. Unions essentially fight against injustice. The frontier for the fight for justice should be global because injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere. Besides, some employers have an international structure. Others that lack international spread maintain an international network with other employers, private or state, which is used to provide class solidarity against the working class. Unions should also build working class solidarity with other unions, nationally and internationally. Solidarity, not just in attending international and national conferences for talks, but solidarity in action to advance, promote and defend existing rights.
FACTORS THAT AFFECT TRADE UNION SOLIDARITY
1. MAINTAIN AND EXTEND MEMBERSHIP
Although numerical size alone does not determine the influence and weight of an organisation, it is a crucial factor. The members are the union and the union is the membership. Without the members there is no union. Without the members, there can be no influence and finance. Without influence and finance the union cannot defend the interest of its members. If the union is unable to defend the interest of the members, solidarity and loyalty to the union will suffer. In the context of a weak union, loyalty may in fact shift to the employer who pays marginal insignificant benefits without the union fighting.
It is important to develop a system of checks and balances to ensure that all officers and organs at all levels play their individual and collective roles with a view to strengthening the confidence of the membership in the ability of the union.
It is not only important to sustain the membership of the existing branches, it is imperative toexpand the membership by recruiting new individual members and unionising new branches that have not been unionised or that are just developing. An organisation that suffers frequent loss of large numbers of members can hardly attract new members and even if it succeeds in attracting more members, solidarity among the members will suffer. Frequent changes in membership undermines solidarity.
2. COMMITTEE SYSTEM
It is one thing to convince more members to join an organisation, it is another to integrate them fully into the organisation. Integration here is used in the sense of differentiation of duties to as many members as are willing (particularly active members) so that they have a sense of belonging.
The union, being a mass organisation, can only be run effectively through committees. The various responsibilities of education, organisation/ unionisation, etc. may be neglected if there are no committees charged with paying particular attention to them. The purpose of a committee should be clearly defined so as to guide its composition. Certain committees may be made up of professionals as members or advisers who may not necessarily be members of the union. Although the goal may be unanimity, the union should welcome minority reports as unanimity may not always be helpful. The size of a committee will be determined by the load of the assignment and the period within which reports are expected. Through the methods of commissions, the active members who are outside the Executive can be actively involved. Every member should be seen as a voluntary activist.
3. COMPETENT OFFICERS
Selection of officers at any level of the union should be based on merit rather than primordial considerations.Choice of officers should be hinged on ability to perform rather than acceptability to government or the employer.
Particularly during the era of military dictatorship, Trade union officers were often selected on the basis of acceptability to government with a view to ensuring that the union was officially registered. Officers so selected would tend to serve the interest of the State rather than the interest of the union and solidarity will suffer on the long run.
Pieces of advice given by a competent trade union secretary to a branch which work like magic will enhance the confidence of the membershipin the secretary and the union’s leadership. Confidence in the leadership will facilitate constant consultationwith the secretariat and loyalty to the union by the branches will be strengthened. Similarly, an incompetent secretary whose advice never works will destroy solidarity building process within the union.
4. GOAL ATTAINMENT
Trade unions are formed to attain certain goals which individual workers acting on their own cannot or cannot easily achieve. From this point of view, relationship in the union is instrumental. In other words, loyalty to the union is predicated on the expectation of enjoyment of certain benefits. Once the benefits are not forthcoming, the leadership can no longer count on solidarity of the membership.
It is also important that the means of attaining the goals is the trade union power not appeals. When members notice that it is the goodwill of the employer that counts, loyalty will shift from the union to the employer. In that situation, union solidarity is the victim.
The failure of the union to achieve its basic objectives breeds crisis of identity. For example, a child whose father/mother performs his/her fatherly/motherly role may concede to the control of the parents. But parents who cannot meet the basic needs of the child may face problem of indiscipline. The child may begin to search for his/her own identity and the influence of the parents may decline. The same thing applies to the union. The crisis of identity is often at the background of factionalisation of the union, withdrawal from union activity and general decline in trade union density as members attempt to accommodate themselves unquestionably to managerial decrees.
5. DEMOCRATIC MANAGEMENT OF UNIONS
One of the major reasons for the weakness of the trade union movement today is the problem of bureaucratic degeneration. By bureaucratic degeneration we mean a situation in which the trade union bureaucracies and the trade unions are not being controlled by the wishes, policies, interests and will of the membership.
To strengthen trade union solidarity therefore, there is a need to entrench basic democratic principles in the internal running of the trade unions along the following lines:
(1) Aspects of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
They are equally applicable to trade unions:
(a) Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
In a democracy, strength flows from tolerance of opposition rather than suppression. Union members should enjoy the right of opposition. Factional activity should be tolerated. Members should enjoy the right to hold meetings outside official union meetings without being attacked. The tendencies so formed in the union should be free to develop alternative policies and field panels of candidates at elections based on programmes and policies.
(b) Freedom of Expression and the Press
Members, factional groups, branches, regions or zones as the case may be, should be allowed to maintain open and independent contacts within the union and with the larger labour movement, nationally and internationally. They should be free to publish independent journals, and circulate propaganda materials, if they so wish. Each region or branch should be given considerable autonomy to organise their activities and link up with pro-democracy organisations or political parties.
(c ) Right to Representative Government
This right is incompatible with imposition of Caretaker committees, except where it is absolutely inevitable. Trade Unions should be run independently by elected representatives. To this extent,
- Key administrative officials such as the General Secretary and his lieutenants should be selected through election rather than appointment. It must however be emphasised that election does not automatically guarantee democracy. For example, in a situation in which the incumbent has developed a clique that is able to suppress opposition and deny the right of assembly to opposition candidates, the real candidates favoured by the membership may not still emerge. However, the principle of election provides an opportunity for genuine changes to take place at some time in the future.
- No paid, full time officials should be permitted to vote on any of the union’s committees. Full time officials should only be recognised to give advice. Where the official has earned the respect of the membership by his/her dedicated service, the membership will tend to observe such pieces of advice.
- Representation at Delegates’ Conferences should be on the basis of elected branch delegates rather than hand-picking. This will ensure active involvement by the majority of the members in the affairs of the union.
- Proposals and motions to be decided at Delegates’ Conferences should first be circulated to branches so that branch delegates may be given a mandate along a particular line.
- Referendum (i.e. general ballot of the membership) should be used for key issues, e.g. dissolution or merger of union, strike action, increase of union dues and other major changes to rules.
- Regular meetings of all the organs of the union should hold and every member given an opportunity to initiate proposals and express an opinion on motions or issues raised by others.
2. Opposition to Witch-Hunting
The general principle of the rule of law should be observed in the trade unions:
- Rules should be precise to avoid ambiguous interpretation favourable to those in position of power.
- Behaviours that may amount to offenses should be clearly spelt out with the corresponding penalties, e.g. suspension, expulsion etc.
- Accused members should be given reasonable notice of the charges against them. They should be allowed to call witnesses and question their accusers.
- Right of appeal to a higher authority within the union should be provided. The (British) Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers’ (AUEW) constitution for instance provides for Final Appeal Court to adjudicate on disputes within the union. The Final Appeal Court can also call the Executive to order if it fails to implement policy decision adopted at Conferences. It should be stipulated that officers complained against should not be members of the Appeal Committee. Where officers complained against are already members of a standing Appeal Committee such as the National Executive Committee (NEC), they the Constitution of the Union should expressly provide that such members step down whenever complaints submitted touch their roles.
6. SOLIDARITY WITH THE COMMUNITY
Maintaining solidarity with the larger society has a way of cementing loyalty of union membership and thereby strengthening solidarity.
Some scholars explain that what sustains the loyalty of some sections of union membership to the union is the commitment to justice and the welfare of the poor people generally. Therefore, there is a need for the union to set up political/human rights commission to link the struggles at the industrial level with the wider political or community issues.
7. EDUCATION
Education programmes designed to meet the education needs of members need to be organised and systematic. Essentially however, trade union education does not concern itself with how to read and write (although it cannot be ruled out where the bulk of the members are not literate) but to assist members in critical analysis and understanding of events, issues, problems, as they arise so as to guide the union in adopting correct or appropriate trade union policies. In other cases, education programmes may have to be organised to develop their skill in particular areas. For example, the unit secretary needs to know the simple rules to follow in taking notes or minutes, the treasurer needs basic knowledge of how to keep proper books of accounts, the chairman particularly needs to know the basic rules about how to run meetings.
It is the duty of the union to organise education programmes for new members to understand the operation of the union’s constitution, know their basic rights and responsibilities in collective Agreements, Procedural Agreements, etc. When members are conscious, the task of mobilisation for struggle is facilitated.
8. MEETINGS
To keep organisations alive, regular meetings are indispensable. A trade union, being a mass organisation as opposed to a private company, can only be run through meetings by the membership.
Apart from the constitutional frequency provided in the constitution, particularly in the case of branches, all organs must meet whenever there is need for it in emergency cases.
Solidarity in any organisation is dependent on the members looking at issues from the same point of view. Therefore, when meetings are called, all views should be entertained and criticised in a friendly tone so as not to scare some members away at subsequent meetings. Only in this manner can we ensure that all members (including the minority who may disagree) carry out decisions taken at meetings.
Notice of meetings should be given in advance stating the agenda, venue, date, and time. Only regular and democratically run meetings can clear rumours and keep members united.
In this age of the internet, meetings may be facilitated through Web based/virtual platforms for meetings, trainings, conferences, such as zoom, google meet, skype, and so on.
9. PARTICIPATION
It is one thing for meetings to hold, it is another thing to consciously allow broad participation of the membership in running the affairs of the union. At meetings, conscious efforts should be made to decentralise responsibilities rather than concentrating everything on just one person. The leadership should consciously try to achieve objectives through involvement of members. People tend to develop a sense of fulfilment when they have opportunities to initiate ideas with the knowledge that the ideas will not be ignored without due consideration. Broad participation enhances solidarity.
10. STRONG FINANCIAL BASE
The quality of management of union funds can build or ruin solidarity in a union. The feasibility of carrying out the responsibilities of education, research, organisation, newsletter, etc. is dependent on availability of funds. When these basic functions are not carried out, members will not see the union as a force to reckon with.
It is therefore imperative for the union to generate adequate funds to meet the basic responsibilities. Funds so generated must be properly administered at all levels to ward off suspicion of corruption. In addition, members should be allowed to have free access to the books of accounts in order to undermine management or government attempts at blackmailing the leadership.
11. DEMOCRATICALLY ELECTED LEADERSHIP
Where the leadership of any organ of the union is not democratically elected, crisis which is capable of weakening or dividing the union may set in.
Trade union appointed official should respect the choice of members at any level. What should be encouraged may be annual or regular conferences and elections so as to give room for renewal of new enthusiastic officers. Any worker should have the opportunity to re-contest for as many times as the members want. The elected executive should also not hesitate to draw in active members who may or may not have contested elections.
Lack of a democratically elected leadership at any level often creates the crisis of legitimacy. People tend to disregard advice or instructions coming from someone they have not willingly given their consent to govern their lives. Crisis of legitimacy also leads to crisis of credibility.
12. THE RIGHT TO STRIKE
The attitude of appointed officials to strike action by branches or state councils can make or mar the union. For example, most if not all the unions have a constitutional provision to the effect that “a strike or any other type of industrial action not authorised by the NEC shall be regarded as not official”; in other words, illegal. Whereas the NEC is expected to meet only twice in a year, i.e. every six months. Given the arbitrary manner by which workers’ rights are being trampled upon, couldn’t a section of the union be forced to embark on action before a NEC could sit? Workers declare strikes as a last resort and they don’t just play with it. In addition, workers also appreciate the need for solidarity action by other branches so that ordinarily workers would have wanted a declaration of support by NEC. But at times, workers may not be in position of determining the timing of the action.
Therefore, shouldn’t the constitutional provision compel the secretariat to support a strike action of any section of the union provided the majority of the members vote in support? At this age and time, any-one who does not have the right to withdraw his/her labour is no better than a slave. Apart from the right to life, perhaps, the next most important right is the right to take action in defence of one’s interests. The right to strike is a fundamental human right recognised internationally. The attitude of a union secretariat to strike action will determine the degree of solidarity in the union.
13. REGULAR PHYSICAL CONTACT
Organising Secretaries ought to visit the branches and not wait until workers call at the secretariat, even though they too should be encouraged to visit the secretariat regularly. However, when the organising secretary visits the branches, there is the advantage that grievances can be apprehended and discussions held with the unit union officials on how best to handle the issues. Based on regular visits, branches that are not active in union activities can be woken up.
14. INFORMATION
There should be no secrecy in the running of the affairs of the union otherwise suspicions and rumours capable of dividing the union could crop up. Passing regular information to members about union activities, achievements and failures, and future aims and policies will help in assessing the mood of the workers and guide the leadership in effecting necessary changes.
The establishment of newsletters at all levels of the union will facilitate the task of information transmission. Union’s Notice Boards should also be built, in the branches on which occasional releases can be displayed. Where members are adequately and properly informed, decisions at meetings could be taken easily.
Information sharing may be facilitated in the age of the internet through setting up of social media platforms, such as WhatsApp, Twitter (now X), Instagram, and so on. There are also informational softwares, including interactive websites, e-publications such as e-books, e-learning packages that the union may take advantage of by engaging professionals in these areas.
15. RESEARCH
It is not enough to assert that union demands are just, union officials have to back up their claims with necessary facts and figures. Employers can throw off-balance the union leader who is not prepared to disprove management’s position with his own data. Not only do we need to prove to the employer that we know what we are talking about, we would also succeed in gaining the confidence of our members to fight only if we can prove our case convincingly. So, some form of research must be undertaken by the union at all levels. This may be begun by regular purchase of dailies, keeping records of correspondences properly, paying attention to government publications and policies, company publications, etc. Only with a research base can members be properly informed. It is necessary for the union to have a department and or link up with labour-based research institutions/centres.
16. EQUALITY
Union leaders should not act as the bosses. Members should be approached on the basis of equality. In this way, self-confidence, particularly of shy members, can be built. There should be no discrimination based on ethnic, gender or religion considerations. All workers, regardless of primordial factors, are equally exploited. The common experience of deprivation and exploitation should therefore unite workers.
Any sign/attitude of discrimination on the basis of primordial factors, either by a leader or an ordinary member, should be seriously attacked in unison. Employers, regardless of their tribe or religion are united on the basis of exploiting workers. All workers, regardless of their differences should therefore unite to fight the employers collectively. The greater the feeling of equality among members, the greater the solidarity.
17. SOCIAL INTERACTION
The more opportunity to interact, the greater the solidarity in the union. Therefore, the union should make demands for canteens, staff clubs, etc. which provide fora for workers from all sections or departments to meet. In addition, workers should be encouraged to attend social events, e.g. naming ceremony, wedding, etc. organised by union members. This strengthens feelings of solidarity and encourages activists who may not have other social friends. The more the members depend upon each other, in both their working and social lives, the greater the solidarity.
18. REWARDS AND PENALTIES
Both rewards and penalties build union solidarity. Active members who make outstanding contributions or sacrifices (for instance during a strike) should be rewarded by means of some form of gifts every year so as to encourage such activists to keep up their spirit and encourage others to be more active.
At the same time however, the union should not hesitate to award penalties for major shortcomings in any member or official. By doing this, we would be helping not just the individual but also the organisation. If serious shortcomings are not condemned and punished, it would be setting bad precedents and a tradition which may be emulated by others. The more an organisation is known for punishing or socially ostracising members without any sacred cow, the greater the solidarity in the organisation.
19. UNION CONSTITUTION
The constitution sets the rules for running the union. Violation of the union’s constitution can create crisis in the union. Therefore, all activities should be done and decisions taken in accordance with the constitution.
20. INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY
To be able to fight effectively, trade unions have no choice but to build international solidarity with their counterparts in other countries. The capitalist system that produced the working class is an international system which unites employers. Workers therefore also have to unite internationally. This is usually done by affiliation or fraternisation with international bodies.
However, trade unions should not limit their international collaboration to trade union bodies. Affiliation can also be effected with human rights bodies such as the Amnesty International. For example, the British National and Local Government Officer Association (1982) asserts that it affiliated to the Amnesty International in 1977 arising from the recommendation of its International Relations Committee. The NALGO also encourages direct branch to branch and member to member contacts internationally. Such an arrangement ensures international support in cases of attacks on human and trade union rights.
Important closing remarks/Observations
THE MILITANT TRADITION OF NUSDE SHOULD BE RE-INVENTED
The significance of unions that could be said to be the precursors of NUSDE could be appreciated by realizing that under colonialism, the major employers were those in the shop and distributive sector of the economy, next in importance only to the colonial government as an employer of labour. Fashoyin[1] asserted that indigenous and third world employers were insignificant under colonialism. The Western multinationals operating in the country were mainly trading companies. Indeed, the Royal Niger Company, that is, the precursor of the U.A.C., was the governing agency of the British government throughout the territories later called Nigeria. In 1886, the Royal Niger Company had been granted a Charter (license or contract) to administer Nigeria, make treaties, impose customs duties and trade in all the territories of the Niger Basin and its effluents. The Charter given to the Royal Niger Company was not revoked until 1890 when the British government took over the administration of the Northern and Southern Protectorates[2]. By 1940, two British companies, the United African Company (UAC) and John Holts had established themselves, not only as the leading produce merchant companies but also as major employers of labour in the private sector, next only to the colonial government in terms of size of workers employed. Others included the C. Zard Company, J. Allen, K. Chellerams and Sons (Nigeria), etc[3].
The UAC recognized a house union only in 1945, after the first nation-wide industrial strike in the history of Nigeria. Emboldened by the gains of the 1945 general strike, all the 11 autonomous craft/house/plant level unions in the UAC formed, in 1947, the Amalgamated Union of UAC African Workers, referred to above[4]. This was, in the main, the initiative of the Secretary of one of the unions in the UAC, the radical nationalist, Nduka Eze. The forerunner-unions of NUSDE, in the shop and distributive trade sector therefore had a militant tradition, thanks to the striking, daring and infectious commitment of Nduka Eze. The history of the trade union movement in Nigeria cannot be complete without a recognition of the roles played by union leaders in NUSDE. NUSDE has a duty to re-invent that militant fighting tradition.
POLITICAL UNIONISM
Human beings are slaves of their principles. Nduka Eze’s vision and motivation (and by extension the unions he led) could be discerned from the publicly declared policy of the Nigerian National Federation of Labour (NNFL), which was formed in March 1949 as a rival to the Trade Union Congress, TUC. The NNFL was formed by radical unionists in response to the resolution, which was supported by a majority of the TUC at its 1948 Conference, to break its affiliation with the National Council for Nigeria and the Cameroons, later known as the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens.
The NNFL leaders sought to maintain affiliation with the NCNC in order to strengthen the struggle for termination of colonial rule. The NNFL proclaimed the following aim:
…to press for the socialization of important industries in the country with a view to realizing Socialist Government where the identity of the working class would not be lost’ and ultimately, ‘the achievement of a world-wide parliament of the working classes[5]
The nationalist and socialist goals informed Nduka Eze’s (and his unions’) activities.
Trade unionism should not be limited to employment issues. We should take interest in building working class political muzzle. The employment and socio-economic policies that impact negatively on the working class are political decisions.
WE MUST ALSO TAKE POSITIONS ON CURRENT REALITIES SUCH AS THE ARREST AND DETENTION OF CHILD PROTESTERS.
The fundamental position NUSDE should take is that the arrest and detention of the child protesters violate the right of the child under section 40 of the Constitution – the right to peaceful assembly and action. The arrest and detention were acts that should be seen as an attempt to criminalise the fundamental right of peaceful assembly and protest. It was meant to intimidate the citizenry, enslave and perpetuate the culture of silence in the midst of injustice. This, definitely, is not the democracy we all fought for. It is unfortunate and must be deprecated in the strongest of terms.
It is wrong for the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) to declare, as he did recently, the child protesters guilty of the offence of so-called wanton destruction of government and private properties. The child protesters are freedom fighters. They are not criminals contrary to the claim of the AGF. The child protesters, just like adult protesters are to be presumed innocent until the court of law finds them guilty.
Even where the child offender (or a child perceived to have committed an offence) is to be tried, the child is to be tried in a family court established under Section 149 of the Child Rights Act. Under Section 149 of this law, the Family Court exists at two levels – at the level of the State High Court and Magistrates Court. The Family Court has unlimited jurisdiction.
The Childs Rights Act prohibits trial of the child along with adults, as we witnessed recently. Indeed, the arrest, detention and court proceedings so far violate Parts 20 and 21, sections 204 to 259 relating to child justice administration under the Child Rights Act, particularly as far as the child victims are concerned.
By Section s. 204, the child is to be “subjected only to the child justice system and processes” under the Child Rights Act.
By s. 205 of the Act, the privacy of the child perceived to be an offender is to be protected. Hence, records are to be kept strictly confidential and shall not be used in adult proceedings.
The Authorities, including police, prosecutor dealing with the child offender are to dispose of the case without resorting to formal trial by using other means of settlement including supervision, guidance, restitution and compensation of victims. The child in detention shall be given care, protection including social, educational, medical and physical assistance. Police investigation and adjudication before the court are to be used only as measures of last resort (s. 209).
Under Section 211, on the apprehension of a child, the parents or guardian of the child shall be immediately notified or be notified within the shortest time possible. The Police is required to consider the issue of release.
The dignity of the child offenders was abused, contrary to s. 34 of the Constitution. By S. 35(5) of the Constitution, the child ‘offenders’ were required to have been taken to court within reasonable time. Reasonable time is understood to be 24 hours if there is a court within a radius of 40 kilometres or 48 hours in other cases. But the child ‘offenders’ were taken to court after over three months of abuse, of hunger, of illness, of criminal neglect, of all sorts of harm, of lack of medical care in the prison.
The Act prohibits harm being meted on the child ‘offender’. “Harm” to the child includes use of harsh language, physical violence, psychological or emotional injury or hurt as it was the lot of the minors that we saw on live television that covered proceedings.
Under the Act, detention pending trial shall be used only as a last resort and for the shortest possible period of time. Wherever possible, the child offender is to be placed in the care of a family, or educational setting or home (s. 212). The child offender is not on to be detained in prison but in some government accommodation.
NUSDE should call on the Government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to order the withdrawal of charges in all other cases pending before the Courts across the Federation. The victims should be compensated adequately and a public apology tendered to the direct and indirect victims, those detained and the norms and psyche of the public that have been brutalized and hurt.
I thank you for your attention.
Femi Aborisade
15/11/24.
[1] Fashoyin, T. (1988). Labour and Development in Nigeria. Lagos: Department of Industrial and Personnel Management, Faculty of Business Administration, University of Lagos and Landmark Publications Limited.
[2] Oluwide, Baba. (1993). Imoudu: A Biography. Ibadan: West African Economic Consultants and Social Research and Ororo Publications
[3] Cohen, R. (1974). Labour and Politics in Nigeria, London: Heinemann and Fashoyin, T. (1988). Labour and Development in Nigeria. Lagos: Department of Industrial and Personnel Management, Faculty of Business Administration, University of Lagos and Landmark Publications Limited
[4] Fashoyin, op. cit. at p. 7 and Oluwide, Baba, op. cit., at p. 58.
[5] Cohen, op. cit. at 73-74.
