By Salvador Ousmane
The main claims by the West African military juntas, when they took power in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, was that they would quickly address the security issues in their countries. In each case, they have failed to do so. If anything, the insurgency by Islamic militants is getting worse, especially in Burkina Faso and Mali. In addition, the military are extending their rule with promises of elections and a return to civilian rule being postponed or forgotten. The authoritarian military rulers have inflicted further attacks on human rights in each of these three countries and in Guinea, as we show below.
Despite this the trade unions are still able to organise and are beginning to act to improve the conditions of their members. However, much more is needed to reduce the levels of poverty, inequality and corruption that are the main drivers of insecurity. The attacks on human rights by the four military juntas makes it more difficult for the trade unions to organize.
Burkina Faso
“The human rights situation in Burkina Faso is very worrying”, said Drissa Traoré, Secretary General of the International Federation for Human Rights (IFHR) in early October. In addition, the National Commission of Human Rights is concerned about the arrests and kidnappings of citizens by unidentified individuals and outside of any adequate procedures.
Two years after Ibrahim Traoré’s coup d’état, human rights organizations paint a bleak picture of the violation of basic freedoms. IFHR denounces in particular the arbitrary arrests of opponents of the junta, the forced recruitment of civilians into the army, the disappearance of defenders of freedoms and the end of freedom of the press. Street protests have been banned in Burkina Faso since the Traoré led coup in September 2022.
This situation has been made worse by the introduction of anonymous hotlines. In September alone, 726 denunciations were made and these resulted in at least 350 arrests. In October, a meeting of about 50 journalists complained about the disappearance of four of their colleagues who are thought to be “in the hands of the military”. The junta is also considering the re-introduction of the death penalty.
IFHR also shares its concern about the increase in disappearances of human rights activists and the growing repression of dissident voices. “We are witnessing a resurgence of arbitrary arrests and pressure on journalists and activists”. Several prominent figures found themselves sent to the front to fight against Islamic militants, including human rights defender Daouda Diallo and former foreign minister Ablassé Ouédraogo.
Last year, Amnesty International said, “public figures were abducted or arrested and forcibly disappeared, including the national president of an organization representing pastoralists’ interests” who are blamed for the insurgency. In addition, in late November 2024, the junta announced that it had frozen the goods and assets of around 100 people. They were accused of “participation in acts of terrorism and financing terrorism”.
The IFHR calls for a general mobilization to restore fundamental freedoms in Burkina Faso and guarantee the independence of the justice system. Some fifteen Burkinabe unions, united in a collective, have called for a rally on October 31 in Ouagadougou to protest against “restrictions on freedoms” which they say have been imposed by the country’s military authorities.
“This mainly concerns the restriction of individual and collective freedoms (which) result in forced disappearances of citizens, kidnappings of citizens by armed and hooded individuals, forced recruitment, measures to close press organs”, said Moussa Diallo, Secretary General of the General Confederation of Burkina Workers (CGT-B), the principal trade union centre in Burkina Faso. He was effectively sacked from his university lecturer post in April 2024 and is now in hiding to avoid being kidnapped or arrested.
In August, the hospitals were paralyzed by a three-day strike by the National Union of Human and Animal Health Workers (Syntsha), to demand pay rises and compensation.
Despite the increasing level of repression, the military are failing to address the insecurity. Human Rights Watch estimates that 6,000 people were killed in 2024, a record number of victims, illustrating the powerlessness of the military junta.
Russian military personal are used to personally protect Traoré. When he came to power he promised to only stay for 21 months. But this was extended by another five years in May 2024. In addition, Captain Traoré is to be free to continue his rule by being a presidential candidate if the elections finally take place.
Mali
The Malian military authorities, in power since the second coup of 24 May 2021, have continued to drastically restrict the civic and democratic rights. The last four years have seen a resurgence of arrests, arbitrary detentions, abductions, secret detentions and also of judicial harassment of anyone who expresses a dissenting opinion.
The four years of military rule have also been marked by threats and intimidation, kidnappings and arbitrary arrests of Malian journalists and opinion leaders. International media journalists have had their authorities denied.
In June 2024, 11 leading politicians were arrested for demanding the return to civilian rule. In late November the Prime Minister of Mali was removed days after he criticised the junta for delays in the return to civilian rule. He was replaced by a military general.
Also in June 2024, the National Union of Banks, Insurance Companies, Financial Institutions and Enterprises of Mali (SYNABEF) held a three-day strike by banks and petrol stations and won the release of its secretary general, Hamadoun Bah after five nights in detention. Bah is also the secretary general of UNTM, the largest trade union centre in Mali. A coalition of political parties and associations (Synergy of Action for Mali) also called for protests against the high cost of living and power cuts.
Again in June 2024, the higher education union, SNESUP held a three day strike. They had several grievances, including the suspension of the Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Management and the implementation of the agreement recently reached with the government following the previous indefinite strike in 2023. They also demanded improvements in working conditions, salary increases, regularization of salary arrears and security for schools and universities.
At the end of October, the head of one of the cattle markets in the capital, Bamako, was arrested by state security. This was after a one day strike over the relocation of the cattle market. In addition, Daouda Konaté, secretary general of the prison guards’ trade union, was detained on October 25, for “undermining the credibility and security of the State”. Shortly before his arrest, he had criticized the Malian prison system.
At about the same time, the prison guards threatened to go on strike as Daouda Konaté, the general secretary of their union and another comrade were arrested. The union is particularly concerned about prison over-crowding in Mali.
Presidential elections scheduled for 27 February 2024, which would have allowed a return to civilian rule, were again postponed in September 2023. In April and May 2024, the Malian military authorities organised the Inter-Malian Dialogue, national consultations aimed at proposing solutions to the political and security crisis in Mali. The dialogue produced 300 recommendations, including calls to “extend the transition period from two to five years” and to “promote the candidacy of Colonel Assimi Goïta in the next presidential elections“.
Niger
The military authorities in Niger have cracked down on the opposition, media, and peaceful dissent since taking power in July 2023, says Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Federation for Human Rights (IFHR).
On May 29, the justice and human rights minister issued a circular suspending all visits by human rights organizations to Nigerien prisons “until further notice“, in violation of national and international human rights law.
On August 27, 2024, Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani established “an automated data processing file containing personal data of people, groups of people or entities involved in acts of terrorism.” “Niger’s new counterterrorism order allows people to be labelled suspected terrorists on vague criteria and with no credible evidence,” said Human Rights Watch. Those included in the database face severe consequences, including being denied the ability to travel nationally and internationally, and having their assets frozen.
The Trade Union of Magistrates of Niger (SAMAN) called for a 72 hour strike at the beginning of June, 2024 to defend judicial independence and protest against the intervention of the executive branch in judicial affairs.
In mid-September, two journalists’ unions expressed their concern about the disappearance since 1st September of their Ivorian colleague Serge Mathurin Adou, and demanded explanations from the authorities.
Negotiations opened between government ministers and trade union leaders in mid-October. Before the coup, the trade unions held a two day general strike to demand the harmonization of allowances for all state agents, the recruitment of contract civil servants in education and health to the civil service and the increase in the minimum wage. These demands remain to be addressed. However, in July the price of petrol was reduced from 550 à 499 FCFA (N1,500 to N1,350) and in August the fees and charges in public hospitals were reduce by 50%.
However, in late November, one in 12 pensioners had their files deleted from the list of public sector pensioners. They already suffered delays and problems in being paid their pensions.
Guinea
A three day general strike was held in February 2024. The call was launched by trade unions from the public, private and informal sectors, seeking a reduction in the prices of basic necessities and an end to media censorship. The unions also demanded and won the release of Sékou Jamal Pendessa, Secretary General of the Union of Press Professionals of Guinea. The strike received the support of the main political parties and most civil society organisations.
There was then a truce between the military and the opposition and civil society. In May, the military regime released Foniké Menguè and two other civil society leaders while civil society suspended its demonstrations.
But then, the Prime Minister said in late September: “We do not yet have complete and precise information on where they may be,” in response to a question about the disappearance, since July 9, of two activists from the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC), Foniké Menguè and Mamadou Billo Bah. Since then there has been no news about their whereabouts.
In July, the Guinean customs also seized nearly a thousand copies of the autobiography of Foniké Menguè. The stock of books was being transported from Dakar. According to the Customs Directorate, it was seized at the land border with Guinea for reasons of “public order and public security.”
Earlier in October, the trade union centre, the National Confederation of Guinea Workers (CNTG) demanded the full implementation of the agreement of November 2023. This included the negotiation of a revised minimum wage for the private and informal sectors and improved public sector transport services.
At the end of November workers at the mobile company MTN were considering strike over the sale of the company to a local firm. The workers particularly criticized the management of MTN Guinea for “refusing to involve trade unionists in discussions and negotiations concerning points affecting workers in the sales process.”
At the end of October, the junta dissolved about 50 political parties and suspended another 50. Earlier this year the junta agreed to hold elections by the end of 2024, but then backtracked on this in July.
Conclusions
The military coups in West Africa have not addressed the key issues of poverty, inequality and corruption. Neither have they been able to address the insecurity around the Islamic militants. This was the main issue many of them gave for removing the previous civilian governments. Where the insecurity is worse, especially in Burkina Faso and Mali, the military coups have led to a major worsening of human rights.
However, the trade unions have managed to continue to organise. They are continuing to reassert their rights and to push for improvements in the conditions of their members. We can only hope that this will continue and that they are able to address some of the issues of deep poverty and inequality that led to the Islamic rebellions.
This assertion of trade union activism is also needed in the other countries of West Africa that are still ruled by civilian governments. Here poverty, inequality and corruption also remain major issues.
