Jatau, David Polang, Ph.D
Trade Unionist & Researcher, Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN) National Secretariat Annex, Area 7 Garki Abuja. jdpolang@gmail.com 08033916112.
Abstract
It has been documented that labour unions in Nigeria were part of the groups that fought the military regime for the return of democracy in 1999. The struggle by the labour unions was so intense that it invited the wrath of the military on the unions leading to the proscription and ban of some unions as well as victimization of trade unionists. Since the return of democracy in 1999, labour unions have taken to activism to protest certain government’s policies perceived to be against the interests of the workers and masses. They seem to do this with a sense of ownership for the democracy they contributed in fighting for its return. This paper aims at assessing the struggles of labour unions for the rights of workers and masses within the democratic system in Nigeria since 1999. The study adopts a multi-disciplinary approach. Data for the reconstruction was collected through oral interviews of some leaders and staff of the unions as well as data from the Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment, the body that mediates between the trade unions and employers in the event of industrial trade disputes and labour crises. This data was augmented with reports from the daily newspapers that reported some of the events between 1999 and 2024. The study finds that labour unions sustained their activism in advocating for a democracy that works for the benefit of workers and the masses throughout the democratic process of the fourth republic. Trade union and organized labour will be conceptualized for ease of understanding.
Introduction
Following the restructuring exercise of 1978, trade unions in Nigeria became viable, active and vibrant. They participated in the democratic governance of second republic, getting the government to approve a national minimum wage, and for the declaration of 1st May as workers day in Nigeria for the first time in the history of trade unionism in the country. From 1984 however, the country returned to military rule making trade unions and other civil liberty organizations to go underground. The return of democracy in 1999 has been attributed to the joint efforts and activism of trade unions, civil liberty organization and other pro-democracy groups. Since 1999, trade union have jointly agitate for democratic governance and popular policies that impact positively on the workers and masses in the country. This paper highlights the various efforts by trade unions and their labour centres – the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC) in their quest for their members’ welfare and popular government policies for the workers and generality of Nigerians. The paper is divided into seven sections. The first section gives a focus for the paper in form of an introduction. The second section gives a conceptual understanding of the concept of trade union and organized labour. This is aimed at putting the key issues in perspective. The third section chronicles the various labour issues before 1999. The fourth section chronicles protests and struggles against government policies. The fifth is an account of the unions’ struggle against increase in petroleum prices in the country. The sixth section highlights organized labour’s support for government policies perceived to be beneficial to the masses. Section seven is the conclusion of the work and is so sub-titled.
Towards a Conceptual Understanding of Trade Union and Organized Labour
Two concepts whose understanding would aid our discussion include trade or labour union and organized labour. The conceptualization of a trade union by the International Labour Organization (ILO), the oldest agency of the United Nations Organization (UNO) established in 1920 to secure and maintain fair and humane conditions of labour for men, women and children, aimed at protecting the workers of all countries and to improve their working conditions[1]. The ILO sees a trade union as “an organization of employees (workers) usually associated beyond the confines of one enterprise, established for protecting or improving (through collective action), the economic and social status of its members”[2]. This definition of trade union among other things, explains why trade unions, despite their peculiar categorization in term of scope of membership, and their affiliation to trade centers such as in the NLC or TUC, act in concert collectively because if the economic and social status of workers of a particular sector, industry, or workplace is affected negatively, it will affect others socially based on the principle of inter-dependences of individuals in the society. This view is shared by Issa Aremu when he concurs that trade union are an organization formed mainly to protect workers at work through collective bargaining as well as serve as a means of expression for the workers view on the problems of the society[3]. One of the oldest definitions of a trade union is the economic definition given by Sydney and Beatrice Webb. According to them, the term refers to a continuous association of wage earners for the purpose of maintaining or improving the conditions of their working lives[4]. What is clear for now is that the term trade union has been defined in many ways by different authors. As defined in section 1(1) of the Trades Unions Act, CAP T14, Laws of the Federations of Nigeria (LFN) 2004, a Trade Union is a body comprising workers or employees, whether temporary or permanent, formed for the purpose of regulating the terms and condition of employment of the workers.[5] Similarly, a trade union (or labour union) is an organization of workers or employees who have combined together to achieve common goals in areas such as in working conditions and protecting and promoting their mutual interests through collective action[6]. Usually a trade union, through its leadership, bargains with the employer or the management on behalf of the union’s members and negotiates labour contracts etc. The process of negotiating wages, work rules, complaint procedures and workplace safety is called collective bargaining.
The term organized labour is often used to refer to labour unions, should they decide at any point in time, and on any worker or national issue, to present a collective or joint front to fight against the scourge of anti-workers policy in the society[7]. Such issues may include policy of casualization of workers in the informal and formal sectors, segregation or discrimination of categories of workers, lack of payment of workers’ entitlements, minimum wage struggle, insecurity and survival of industry, military dictatorship and petroleum price increments. In Asian countries this term is called “Shunto” which refers to a joint action by wage earners for wage increase[8].
The idea behind collective struggle is predicated on the fact that trade unions are formed on the universal principle that only through a collective action, represented by a trade union will workers become a force to be reckoned with within the work place, as well as in the society. One of Marx’s well known axioms suggests that workers make “their own history, but do not make it just as they please, they do not make it under circumstances chosen by them, but under circumstances directly encountered, given and transmitted from the past.”[9] Organized labour is widely recognized as one of the most powerful and effective organs of political expression, and to that extent a dependable vehicle for the protection and advancement of the economic interest and aspirations of the less privileged members and working groups in the society[10]. Thus, if two or more labour unions jointly agree to forge a collective course on behalf of workers, they are said to be organized labour. The unions in Nigeria are all organized under the two main labour centres, the NLC and the TUC. While the NLC was created as part of the 1978 trade union restructuring exercise, the TUC came into being as a registered and recognized labour centre in 2005. Actions by the two labour centres represent organized labour in Nigeria.
The Organized labour and the Nigerian Government before 1999
Since their reorganization in 1978, trade unions in both the public and private sectors had to embark on joint actions in form of protests and industrial strikes to press home their demands. These strikes were coordinated by the joint labour centres of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC). They were carried out in states, at private companies or on the national stage. The belief is that an injury to one worker is an injury to all.[11] Many of these protests and strikes were as a result of Government’s policies on fuel increases which have been frequent between 1978 to date, and such other policies that the organized labour perceived as anti-masses. In August 1983, the NLC planed a nation-wide strike action aimed at disrupting the 1983 general elections. It was fixed for 1st August of that year to protest nonpayment of salaries in some states of the Federation for about six months.
Labour unions are in the habit of mobilizing the public over subsidy on oil. Government’s effort to raise the price of petrol from 70k to N7.50k per liter in 1993 met opposition from trade unions who organized a nation-wide strike against that policy. The year 1993 also witnessed a nationwide strike action by the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria (ASCSN) over a 45 percent salary increase. The news and reports of the strike action was relayed by the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) and the Radio South Africa. The national and international reactions to the actions of the striking civil servants contributed to the fall of the exchange rate of the Naira.[12]
The interim government of Shonekan that came to power in November 1993 was thus forced to negotiate with the labour unions and subsequently reviewed the price of petroleum downward to N3.25k. Although the price was later readjusted to N11 per liter in 1994, this was done only after the central labour organization, the NLC, was disbanded by the Abacha regime[13]. A further increase in the fuel price was introduced by the Abdulsalami Abubakar regime, from N11 to N25 per liter. Organized labour continued their resistance to such increments up till the return to democratic rule in 1999.
Another recurring issue that leads to strike actions by joint labour unions has been the national minimum wage. Each time the minimum wage is increased after intense struggle by labour unions, the Federal and state governments always disagree with labour union on implementation. This often led to industrial actions in form of strikes which was sometimes nationwide and most times peculiar to states due to the different state government’s position on implementation. For example, in 1999, civil servants in Gombe, Niger and Taraba States civil services went on strike to seek implementation of new minimum wage.[14] Such protests and actions could be spontaneous and violent. In Gombe state, workers matched on top civil servants, stormed into a crucial meeting and in the process manhandled a Permanent Secretary[15].
It is clear from above that various states in the country have also had their peculiar labour issues with some snowballing into industrial actions and strikes. Some of these included the Kano struggles that led to the recognition of May 1st by the then Abubakar Rimi led PRP government of Kano state in 1981. Another was Kwara State, where workers under the NLC state council went on strike in 1995 and 1998 over nonpayment of workers’ salaries[16]. In many such instances, the labour centres coordinated the strikes in the states. In 1983, for example, the NLC planned a nationwide strike to protest against nonpayment of salaries in some states of the Federation. Most of the states would not pay salaries for up to 6 months. The nationwide strike was organized to take effect as from 1st August so as to disrupt that year’s general election. It was aimed at drawing the attention of the Federal Government and to ensure full payment of salaries in the affected states[17].
In the year 2000, after the first increase in fuel price from 20 to 30 naira (see table below), the labour unions led by the NLC embarked on a strike. The success of the fuel protests and strike action was based on the fact that oil workers linked up with transport and public sector workers to ensure the strike was effective. As a result of the formidable posture and struggle put forward by labour, the Federal Government reduced the fuel price from 30 to 22 naira. The strike turned out to be the biggest strike since the end of military rule.[18] The increase in the prices of petroleum products become so frequent and annual from 1973. All governments in the country from General Yakubu Gowon to President Bola Tinubu all increased the prices of the products during their tenure in office from 6kobo during General Yakubu Gowon in 1973 to 145 naira by President Mohammadu Buhari in 2016 as shown in the table below. The table shows that between 1978 and 2016 the prices of fuel was changed 27 times. These changes have had an attendant impact on the workers and their dependents, and made the unions, as a class to mobilize against it in self-determination.[19] On 29th May 2023, the newly inaugurated President Bola Ahmed Tinubu announced the removal of fuel subsidy leading to an astronomical increase in fuel price from N145 to over N600. Most price increases witnessed virulent reaction by the labour unions in form of protests and strike actions.
Protests against Government Policies and Actions
Trade unions across the public and private sectors are in the habit of struggling for their members’ welfare in the workplaces. These struggles include bargaining for periodic increases in the national minimum wage for workers and asking for the implementation of their promotions. In August 2001, the NLC mobilized one thousand protesters and besieged the National Assembly to protest the Government’s decision to provide between 25,000 and 35,000 dollars in furniture allowances for each of the 469 members of the National Assembly at a time when the minimum monthly wage stood at approximately 30 dollars.[20] This protest was well organized and coordinated. Already, trade unions have in the spirit of democracy activated a renewed zeal in engaging employers and governments on the welfare of workers. Earlier in 2001, the joint unions of Petroleum and Tanker Drivers (PTD), NUPENG and PENGASSAN protested in front of the headquarters of African Petroleum (AP), located at the very busy Broad Street in Lagos over lack of promotion of the workers for over 10 years. The chanting of solidarity songs made the newly appointed managing director of AP to come down and address the protesting workers. The gridlock caused by the protesting unions made the then Lagos State Governor, Bola Ahmed Tinubu to invite the new managing director of AP, Engr. Abdullahi A. Sule to Alausa, the Secretariat of the Lagos State Government.[21]
In 2003, the Federal Government made moves to disengage workers in the public service. The unions rejected the plan and staged a protest at the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation. In 2004 alone, organized labour declared a trade dispute against the Federal Ministry of Labour, Office of the head of Civil Service of the Federation and the Federal Civil Service Commission (FCSC) over lack of promotion in the civil service and the lack of vacancies in the directorate cadre of the service[22]. In June 2005, the Federal Ministry of Labour and the Nigeria Bureau for Statistics were picketed and workers in Abuja protested over reforms in the Bureau that resulted in the sacking of some staff of the Bureau.
Between 2016 and 2018, the organized labour embarked on protests in the major cities of Lagos, Port Harcourt, Enugu and Abuja to request for a new minimum wage for workers. Prior to the struggle for a new national minimum wage, organized labour had to intervene in some states, such as Nasarawa, where the State government attempted to unilaterally review the salary table; in Imo State where the State Government reduced the working-week and forced workers to go to farm; and Kogi State where the Government attempted to lay-off workers.
Imo State Government went ahead to sack over 6,000 workers in January 2016. On Wednesday 10th February, 2016, organized labour led by the National president of NLC, Comrade Ayuba Wabba and that of TUC Comrade Bobboi Bala Kaigama stormed Owerri, the Imo State capital, to protest the mass sack of government workers of the state. According to the Worker Magazine:
The protest rally blocked major entrance and exit point into the State Government House, Owerri, took off from the Imo State Secretariat of the Nigeria Medical Association (NMA) along Port Harcourt road, shut down traffic at the Sam Mbakwe International Cargo Airport where flight operations were halted by NUATE, a Union from the Aviation sector.[23]
That massive act of solidarity with the sacked workers of Imo State government paid off as the State Governor, Rochas Okorocha later rescinded his decision and reinstated the workers. The Imo protest and joint labour action shows harmony among labour leaders across the divide. Its execution included workers convergence at the Imo State Secretariat of Nigerian Medical Association (NMA) and the support received from the Aviator Union showed the high level of inter union collaboration and labour solidarity.
The NLC resolved that Tuesday 23rd August, 2016 be observed as a day of solidarity and mourning of workers who lost their lives and those who were injured. The day was also to be observed as a day of protests against the obnoxious policies of various state governments and non-payment of salaries, gratuities and pensions. In Nasarawa State, workers under organized labour had embarked on strike to protest the Government’s plan to slash workers’ salaries. A protest on Friday 29th July, 2016 had led to an ugly situation where two members of the Union where killed by the police in front of Government House.[24]
From the table 2 above, about 1,307,662 workers took part in strike actions across the sectors between 1999 and 2015. Among the over one million workers who embarked on strike action during this period, were the teachers of public universities under their union, ASUU, whose strike action was frequent during these years leading the loss of over one thousand economic days as shown in the table 3 below. In some cases, an entire academic calendar was lost to strike action. This is besides internal strike actions by local chapters of the union over local issues. In some cases running into months. There was also the three-day nationwide warning strike of the Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU) from Tuesday 16th to Thursday 19th September 2008.[25] ASUU alone went on strike about 17 times between 1999 and 2022, leading to the loss over 1,813 days as shown in the table 3 below:
The industrial conflict of ASUU in particular became an issue in the political calculation of the 2015 elections[26]. It also shows the extent to which industrial relation issues in the public service affects political governance and contestation for public office in Nigeria. That such magnitude of industrial disputes occurred during civil rule, underscores the fact that democratic rule encourages trade unionism and union activities. This has further been buttressed by the statement from the Minister of Labour and Employment, Dr Chris Ngige when he stated that by the end of President Buhari’s first tenure which began on May 29, 2015 and elapsed on May 29, 2019, the Ministry of Labour had intervened in 1,425 trade disputes and complaints; 788 disputes were completely concluded and resolved; 37 cases referred to the Industrial Arbitration Panel and 600 cases were at various stages of mediation and conciliation.[27] Some of these disputes emanated from states of the Federation.
For example in Nasarawa State alone, between 2014 and 2018, over 22 strike actions were undertaken by various labour unions in the state.[28] These do not include other numerous industrial disputes between the employees and their employers that were managed and resolved without recourse to the Minister of Labour’s office. The public sector has witnessed the greatest percentage of the industrial crises. These crises included the 2016 partial nationwide strike action led by the NLC, due to increase in fuel price from N97 to N145, strikes by many labour unions in the education, health and judicial sectors[29]; as well as the series of strike notices by organized labour as a result of a new minimum wage negotiations and its implementation that dragged for about three years at the Federal level and several years at the state level.
However, despite the initial suspicion and inter-labour centre disputes, the NLC and the TUC have been jointly celebrating the Workers Day every 1st May and have periodically embarked on joint protests to protest anti-labour policies in work places and bad governance in the country. In many instances, the labour centres had cause to intervene and jointly prosecute union actions, especially if it has to do with sacking of workers by employers. One of the major objectives of labour unionism is not only to ensure the availability of jobs; it is also to save existing jobs.[30] Thus, sacking of workers invited the prompt attention of labour leaders. One of such instances was in 2014 when about 95 workers of the Cocoa Research Institute of Nigeria (CRIN), Ibadan were sacked after they protested non-payment of their salaries and refusal of the management to allow them to join trade unions. The trade unions with legal jurisdiction to unionize the workers such as the Non Academic Staff Union (NASU), Academic Staff Union of Research Institute (ASURI), and Senior Staff Association of University Teaching Hospitals, Research and Allied Institutes (SSAUTHRAI), brought in their respective trade centres, the NLC and TUC. The labour centres intervened and contacted the office of the Minister of Labour who ensured parties in the disputes signed a memorandum dated 17th February, 2015 to reinstate the workers and allow them join trade unions[31]. The labour centres also intervened in labour crises bordering on non-payment of workers’ salaries and victimization of labour leaders in many states including Nasarawa State in 2016, Benue State in 2017, and Kogi State in 2018.
Between 2019 and 2023 government took four major actions, decisions and indecisions that affected government-labour relations in the country. These included the concession of major Airports, increased electricity tariff[32] and increased petroleum pump prices. There was also the strike actions in the education sector, some of which have been a recurring industrial issue of intense proportion since 1999. Prominent among these were the actions by the Academic Staff Union of universities (ASUU) when it went on strike on a total of 655 working days between 2016 and 2023. See table 3 above. Other Unions in the education sub-sector such as Senior Staff Association of Nigerian Universities (SSANU), Non Academic Staff Union of Education and Associated Institutions (NASU) as well as National Association of Allied Technologists (NAAT), embarked on actions during this time. These attracted protests and in some instances outright strike actions by organized labour. Between 2017 and 2019, the SSANU, NAAT and NASU went on strike jointly lasting for about 116 days.[33] On August 31 2020, aviation sector employees under their unions, the Nigeria Union of Air Transport Employees (NUATE) and the Air Transport Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (ATSSAN) protested the planned concession of the airports.[34] In 2020 alone, the Government increased the fuel price four times. N121.50k on May 1, N140.80k in July, 145.80k in August and 151.56k in September.[35]
The year 2020 was a pandemic year due to the global scourge of Covid-19 that eventually led to the death of 3,155 persons in Nigeria as at December 2023.[36] Health sector workers who managed patients in the health care facilities and were also among the victims, agitated for hazard allowances. In the year 2020 alone, resident doctors went on nationwide strike actions twice, between June 15-22, and on September 7th.[37] That was not the first time for the strike by the medical doctors. Between 2015 and 2023, the doctors under their unions of National Association of Resident Doctors (NARD), Nigeria Medical Association (NMA) or Joint Health Sector Unions (JOHESU), went on strike for a total of 153 working days.[38] The electricity tariff protest continued into the 25th year of the return of democracy in Nigeria, as on Monday May 13th, 2024, the organized labour made up of the NLC and the TUC picketed the offices of the Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Council (NERC) and electricity Distribution Companies (DISCO’s) nationwide to protest increase on electricity tariff from N66 to N255 for a category of customers the Discos categorized as band A customers.
The unending struggle against fuel price increases
One of the most frequent issues that caught the attention of the labour unions in Nigeria, was the frequent increase in the prices of petroleum products.
In June, 2003, the Obasanjo Government further increased the price of fuel prompting labour to call out its members for another round of industrial protests and strike action. This lasted for eight days forcing the government to revert to the old price.
By December of the same year, organized labour was on the streets of Abuja on protests over another increase in the price of petroleum products. The protest continued until the President had to intervene when he called a meeting with organized labour at the Aso Rock Presidential Villa. Following this meeting, the President agreed to an increase in the salaries of workers to cushion the effect of the fuel price increase on the workers and their families.
In most cases, the organized labour often forged alliances with other social partners and Civil Liberty Organizations (CLOs). In 1984, it collaborated with ASUU and NANS and embarked on street protests to force the Mohammadu Buhari military regime to respect fundamental human rights.[39] Similarly, in 1993 the labour unions notably NUPENG and PENGASSAN forged alliances with other pressure groups and exerted pressure on the Babangida regime during the famous June 12 annulment saga. The aim was to prevail on the regime to uphold the victory of MKO Abiola who won the 1993 presidential elections.
Between 2003 and 2004, organized labour in collaboration with civil society organizations engaged the President Olusegun Obasanjo government at four different occasions in mass street protests over the government’s decision to increase prices of petroleum products.[40] It was the outcry of the organized labour and its social partners that forced the Federal Government to set up the Justice Mohammed Uwais Committee. Then when the then President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua admitted that the 2007 election that brought him to power was flawed with irregularities.[41] This agrees with Dung Pam Sha’s position that trade union actions in form of engagement with government officials, street protests and demonstrations are among the activities from the ‘streets’ that influences official actions by government officials.[42] The struggle against the increase in the price of petroleum brought the two labour centres together in 2009 when the Government proposed the deregulation of the downstream sector of the oil and gas industry. The NLC and TUC held their National Executive Council meetings on 10th and 11th March, 2009 respectively. The TUC declared that:
Should the Federal Government go ahead with the policy of full deregulation and
removal of subsidy without factoring the demands of the Congress, the leadership
of the TUC shall be left with no other option than to carry out the directive of the
congress to direct all affiliates and members of TUC to proceed on nationwide strike.[43]
The NLC resolved to embark on “focused rallies and protests as a first step of getting government to abandon the policy and that where such rallies failed to achieve the desired objective, the NEC would reconvene to decide the next line of action”[44]. On 8th August, 2016, organized labour organized a mass rally against electricity tariff hike. The workers were led by the NLC President Ayuba Wabba, the TUC President Bala Kaigama and Professor Dipo Fashina, former ASUU National President. The team presented labour’s position in a letter to the Presidency and leadership of the National Assembly. This combined resolution by both the NLC and TUC also repeated itself in the preparation and execution of a nationwide protest against electricity tariff hike on May 13th, 2024. This led to the picketing of the offices of the Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC) and electricity Distribution Companies (DISCOs).
Rallies and Street Shows in Support of Government
The protests were not always against government policies. In 2016, organized labour marched in support of APC’s government anti-corruption war.
Throughout the fourth republic, organized labour have advocated support for government policies aimed at repositioning the country for the better. This show of support also came in the form of advocacy for the policies such as union support for Federal Government’s policy of e-payment system in salary administration[45] as well as labour’s support and participation in the 2014 national conference convened by the President Goodluck’s administration. Organized labour sent representation to the confab. Delegates from the TUC were: Comarade Dinatu Assani, Comrade Bobboi Bala Kaigama and Comrade Olabode Johnson. The NLC was also represented by Comrade Ayuba Wabba, Comrade Issa Aremu and Comrade Peter Ozo-Eson. Thus the representatives of organized labour were among the 492 delegates that were nominated from across the country and converged at the National Judical Institute Abuja and deliberated from March 17th 2014 to August 21st, 2014. At the Conference, organized labour presented a joint position. The 277 page document contained labour’s position on issues such as electoral matters, national security, and devolution of power, public service, social welfare, public finance, and revenue generation.[46]
According to the document, labour went to the conference “as a pan Nigerian organization“. It believed that the people of Nigeria are not divided by ethnicity or religion, geography or demography. Therefore, labour will continue to collaborate with progressive forces, engage allies, make friends and interact with other delegates for the promotion of the progress, unity and equitable development of Nigeria.[47] Similarly, it protested against what it called illicit financial flow out of the country in 2016.
Conclusion
The return of democracy in 1999 witnessed activism by organized labour in the form of street protests and strike actions to press home demands for workers welfare and people oriented programmes ranging from salary increase for workers, protests against petroleum prices and electricity tariff hike, as well as agitation for periodic upward review of the national minimum wage. The minimum wage struggle by organized labour in the states has been a prolonged one. Many state governments refused to implement the thirty thousand minimum wage. Up till 2024 when the thirty thousand naira 2019 national minimum wage law expired and a new national minimum wage was being negotiated, the organized labour in some states were still in the trenches with their state government over the implementation of the thirty thousand naira minimum wage. In support of the local council in Anambra State, the NLC on 15th May 2024 gave a 7-day ultimatum to the government over its failure to implement the already agreed thirty thousand minimum wage and its consequential adjustment. Other issues in dispute included the deduction of contributory pension from workers’ salaries without counterpart funding of government and remittance to Pension Fund Administrators (PFA’s) since 2018 and stoppage of payment of 12, 000 naira wage award as palliative to workers.[48] The quadruple issues of fuel price hike, electricity tariff hike, National Minimum Wage and the struggle by ASUU over remuneration and university autonomy, dominated the industrial space and accounted for many protests by the organized labour throughout the 25 years of the fourth republic.
[1] See F.K Buah, The World Since 1870 (Ghana: Tema Publishers, 1974), 280.
[2] See ILO, ‘Democratization and the ILO’ Report of the Director-General, 1992.
[3] Issa Aremu, “Trade Union and the Political Process” in O Sokunbi, et’al (eds), Unionism and Democratization Process in Nigeria,(Ibadan: NPS Educational Publishers 1996), 26-27.
[4] Sydney and Beatrice Webbs, History of Trade Unions (London: Heinemann 1961).
[5] See Trade Unions Act CAP T14 LFN 2004 in Jide Olakanmi $ Co, Labour Law handbook (Lagos: Law Lords Publishers, 2017), 151.
[6] Bishal Ram Shrestha, “Effect of Trade Unionism on Workers: A Case Study on PAM” University of Applied Sciences, Finland, 2012, 16; See also Rao, P. S, Human Resource Management (Text and Cases).1st Ed. (Mumbai: Himalaya Publishing House Pvt. Limited 2010), 293.
[7] Issa Aremu, “Trade Union and the Political Process” in O. Sokunbi, et’al (eds), Unionism and Democratization Process in Nigeria (Ibadan: NPS Educational Publishers, 1996), 26-27.
[8] See Ukandi G. Damachi, Industrial Relations: A Development Dilemma, Lagos: Development Press Limited, 1989, 10.
[9] Karl Marx, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, available at http:
//www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1852/18th-brumaire/ch01.htm.
[10] See Tony Oghorodi, “Origin and Development of Wage Labour in Nigeria” in O Sokunbi, et’al (eds), Women and Trade Unionism in Nigeria (Ibadan: NPS Educational Publishers, 1995), 1.
[11] Interview with Comrade Abiodun Emmanuel, 41 years Trade Unionist at Abeokuta 6/2/2018. This is also in line with the principle of class consciousness enunciated in the theory of historical materialism. See Akindele,S.T, Obiyan, A.S, Olaopa and O.R, Asaolu, T.O, “A Theoretical Examination of The Perspectives on Political Economy” Journal of Social Science, Vol. 7, No.3, 2003., 249
[12] ‘Stagnation of Officers in the Administrative Cadre of the Federal Civil Service as a Result of Indiscriminate Transfers/Secondment from Outside the Service’ Letter addressed to President Olusegun Obasanjo dated 17th March, 2004 in The Bureaucrat (special Edition) February 2005, 5
[13] Olarenwaju Awoniyi, “Trade Unions and the Political Process” in O.Sokunbi et’al, Unionism and Democratization Process in Nigeria (Ibadan: NPS Educational Publishers Limited, 1996), 43-57.
[14] See New Nigeria, January 4, 1999,; New Nigeria 11/1/1999, 17; New Nigeria February 11, 1999, 21.
[15]New Nigeria February 11,1999, 21.
[16] See Steve Metiboba, “Managing Stress in Nigeria’s Labour Struggles”, Nigeria Journal of Labour and Development Studies, Vol.1, No. 1, (2010), 66.
[17] See Ukandi G. Damachi, Industrial Relations: A Development Dilemma, Lagos: Development Press Limited, 1989, 14.
[18] Edwin Anisha, “Trade Unionism and the Dual Transition in Nigeria: Matters arising” Nigerian Journal of Labour and Development Studies” , Vol. 1 No. 1 (2010), 74-88.
[19] V.I Lenin, “Socialism and the Peasantry” Collected Works Vol.9, 307.
[20] Karl Maier, This House has Fallen, (London: Penguin Books, 2000), 295.
[21] Engr. Abdullahi A. Sule, Governor of Nasarawa State at the Symbolic flag off of distribution of Houses to Civil Servants on Owners-Occupyer basis Held on Friday 19th April, 2024 at the Government House, Shendam Road, Lafia.
[22] See J.D Polang A History of Trade Unionism in the Nigeria Civil Service…, 97.
[23] See The Worker, A Bi- Monthly Publication of the Centre for Labour Studies and Advocacy, Abuja, Nigeria Vol. 5 No. 1 January – April, 2016, 33 – 35.
[24] See NLC Letter addressed to all General Secretaries and Presidents of All Industrial unions dated 15th August, 2016.
[25] Tell Magazine, “Senior University Workers Warning Strike” September 29, 2008, 49.
[26] See Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, My Transition Hours, (Kingwood USA: Ezekiel Books), 2018, 108.
[27] See Daily Trust Newspaper August 26, 2019, 32.
[28]Yairus Gbeba Dagusa, “Industrial Relations and Productivity in Nasarawa State Civil Service: An Assessment”,
An Individual Research Project submitted to the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), Kuru, Senior Staff Executive Course 41
[29] See Mahmud Jega, “Five Years of Buhari: A Stlye and Record all His Own” in Daily Trust Newspaper, Wednesday May 28, 2020, 19-20.
[30] Break time Conversation with Comrade Alade Bashir Lawal, Secretary General, ASCSN, 6/8/2019 during the Union’s Emergency NEC meeting in Jos.
[31] See Socialist Democracy Newspaper, May/June 2015, 4.
[32] The Nation, NLC, MAN Kicks as Discos Increased Electricity Tariff, 2nd September, 2020, 1, 8.
[33] See Charles Ogwo, “Unions record over 1,086 days’ Strike Under Buhari” Business Day Newspaper, May 22, 2023. https://businessday.ng/news/article/unions-record-over-1086-days-strike-under-buhari/ Accessed on 21st December, 2023.
[34] The Nation, Aviation Workers Protested Planned Concession of Four Major Airports, 1st September, 2020, 7.
[35] The Nation, NLC Rejects fuel, Power Tariff Hike, 9th September, 2020, 5.
[36] World Health Organization http//covid19.who.int/region/afro/country/ng. Assessed on 14th December 2023.
[37] The Nation, Resident Doctors Begin nation-wide Strike, 8th September, 2020, 1, 36.
[38] See Charles Ogwo, “Unions record over 1,086 days’ Strike Under Buhari” Business Day Newspaper, May 22, 2023. https://businessday.ng/news/article/unions-record-over-1086-days-strike-under-buhari/ Accessed on 21st December, 2023.
[39] Festus Iyayi, “NLC at 30: Contributions to Development and National Liberation in Nigeria” Address delivered at the 30th Anniversary of the NLC held at the Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, 28/2/2008, 7-10.
[40] See Adewusi Akin, “The Role of Trade Unions in the Enhancement of Civil Liberties in Nigeria”, Nigerian Journal of Labour Law and Industrial Relations, Vol.1, No.3, (2007), 94.
[41] Festus Iyayi, NLC at 30: Contributions…7-10.
[42] Dung Pam Sha, “Streets and Boardrooms: Contending Hegemonic Spaces in Shaping Political Economy in Africa” Inaugural Lecture, University of Jos, May, 2016.
[43] “NLC, TUC, Reject Deregulation of Oil Industry” The Bureaucrat, The Newsletter of the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria, Vol. 9 No. 1, march 2009, 1, 8.
[44] “NLC, TUC, Reject Deregulation of Oil Industry” The Bureaucrat, The Newsletter of the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria, Vol. 9 No. 1, march 2009, 1, 8.
[45] “ASCSN Supports Computerized Pay System” The Bureaucrat, The Newsletter of the Association of Senior Civil Servants of Nigeria, Vol. 9 No. 1, march 2009, 1
[46] See NLC/TUC, The Position of Labour at the National Conference, 2014.
[47] See NLC/TUC, The Position of Labour at the National Conference, 2014. 277.
[48] Letter signed by the NLC National President, Comrade Joe Ajaero addressed to the Presidents and General Secretary of all NLC affiliates titled ‘Support NLC Action in Anambra State Council’ dated 16th May, 2024. See also Communique issued at the end of joint NLC and TUC joint NEC meeting held on Monday 20th May, 2024.
