The following paper was recently presented at the Trade Union Congress Political Round Table by Prof Toye Olorode as the Lead Discussant. As a seasoned trade union activist, Olorode is in an excellent position to review the relationship between trade unions and their support for political parties and elections. He concludes: “The task of Nigeria’s working people, clearly, is to organise and take that political power from the ruling class: by all means necessary!”
The Role of Organized Labour in Promoting Participatory Democracy and Good Governance [Towards Socialist Transformation] in Nigeria: Perspectives on 2023 General Elections.
Omotoye Olorode
Member, Secretariat Collective,
The Peoples Alternative Political Movement (TPAP-M).
e-mail: tpapsnigeria@gmail.com; omotoopo@gmail.com.
Introduction and Preliminary Observations.
On behalf on the Peoples Alternative Political Movement (TPAP-M) and TPAP-M’s Secretariat Collective, I wish to thank our Comrades of Trade Union Congress Nigeria for the uniquely fraternal invitation that I present this address. We like to put on record our appreciation of the growing, and critical contributions that organized labour, pre-eminently epitomized by TUCN, have made, and will have to make, to the process of the emancipation of Nigeria’s working class. We appreciate especially the support of TPAP-M by TUCN in the past one year!
The theme of this “Roundtable” anchored by the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUCN) is a significant re-echo of the concern of Nigeria’s Trade Union Movement in the last two decades or so. Both the TUCN and NLC have been significant elements of the Nigerian Labour Movement (NLM)—our “movement” which has a glorious history that, indeed, anchored the struggle for Nigeria’s Independence in 1960.
One of the major catalysts of Nigeria’s Independence Movement was the formation in 1944, of the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) at a conference convened by students of Kings College Lagos. We must observe that by the late 1950s the overarching regional and largely ethnic-geopolitical forces of Nigeria’s emerging elite already debilitated the labour movement in the build-up to the contestation for, and actual take-over of, power immediately before and after independence!
Again on the theme of this Roundtable, the abiding urgency of the question it raises must remind us of the National Delegates Conference Guest Speech of the NLC which I delivered in Abuja almost exactly eleven years ago ( on March 2, 2011)— Building a New Nigeria: The role of the Working Class in National Transformation. I also remember presenting a paper on the same issues about the same time at the TUCN Workshop at ASCON, Badagry.
If we may go a little further down the memory lane, we shall remember that in April. 1989, the Nigeria Labour Congress organized a Conference in Calabar on “Labour and the Transition Program” under Ibrahim Babangida’s dictatorship and part-funded by MAMSER: veterans of labour and the socialist activists, students, politicians, and intellectuals were there. We will address that conjuncture further below.
We emphasize that the Nigerian labour movement had been in the trenches for decades, if not centuries. It is auspicious, therefore, that TUCN offers us yet another opportunity to contemplate our past, assess the present and vision the future.
In this general regard, it is also significant that TUC’s sister labour centre, the Nigeria Labour Congress, one week ago, on March 2, 2022 organized a “2022 Workers Political Conference” with theme, “Commitment to National Emancipation and Development through Effective Political Engagement”.
Definitions and Clarifications.
We need to be on the same page, on terms and concepts, if we are going to have a productive rubbing of minds on the theme of this roundtable. I crave the indulgence of our comrades to attempt some of these clarifications. Doing so also flows from a portion of the invitation I got for this roundtable, that TUCN’s “Political Education Programs [are] designed to mobilise TUC-Nigeria members and Workers in general towards providing working peoples political alternative for Nigerians ahead of the 2023 General Elections. TPAP-M is recognized as a partner in this project”.
First of all the concept of “organized” labour must be understood in the context of the laws that establish them and circumscribe their legal roles and limits as distinct from, if not necessarily opposed to, their legitimate aspirations for example in relation to the rights of association of the organizations and their members. We must remember the origins of trade unions as illegal organizations. Some workers’ organizations in Nigeria today are still not allowed by law; and some legal ones were banned on and off. In this regard, also, it is trite to remind us that law is an instrument of the state which is, itself, the organized power of the ruling class.
Secondly, democracy has become a term used by Nigeria’s ruling class and their capitalist sponsors to simply or largely denote periodic elections. They also now qualify the term and talk of liberal democracy which combines “market forces” (capitalist and for profit) economy, “multi-party politics”, periodic elections. Both the periodic and regular crisis of capitalism and the resistance of the main victims of the crisis, around the world, have produced various ruling-class responses such as military dictatorships, “welfare state” strategies and outright abandonment of the victims as is now dominant under neo-liberalism and especially in the neo-colonial peripheries like Nigeria. The ruling class, as a class, thus retains political power that guarantees retention of economic and social policies that concentrates wealth in a few hands, increases poverty and inequality and generates increasing violence (inter-communal, religious, ethnic, straight-forward criminal), and unprecedented corruption at all levels!
Thirdly, since the TUCN (a significant segment of organized labour, and of the labour movement of Nigeria), set “Promoting Participatory Democracy” as a goal, it must contend with other social forces and classes in that project. For that contention to be a serious one, organized labour, alone or as a critical segment of the labour movement, must, proceed autonomously as a class; not as an appendage or partner of the ruling class (or segments of it that call itself “progressive” that already stacked all the cards—economic power, state power including ideological power) against the working class. And the goal of that participation will be to show that the ruling class, in a genuine class struggle for state power will not concede power peacefully. This had been the lesson of Iran (1953), Chile (1973), Grenada (1984), Egypt, Brazil, Venezuela more recently, and even South Africa !
Of course, the notion of “good governance” is also tied with class power and class rule. A ruling class, no matter how anti-people its policies may be, will keep trying to persuade the victims of its policies, even when the policies run contrary to its own campaign promises, that it is governing in the interest of the people. In the case of Nigeria, even significant segments (Chapter II and Chapter IV) of the the Grund Norm of the entire legal system, (The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999—as Amended), is being criminally subverted, especially since January 1984, and particularly since May 1999, in the class interest of the ruling circles and their foreign masters!
Ruling class-led transformation of Nigeria (1979-2022) and Labour Movement’s Resistance.
Neither the economy nor politics of a polity is ever static. There is no question about the fact that Nigeria has been transformed dramatically in the last forty years; that transformation was accompanied by extreme class violence with the ruling class using both naked military power (military rule) and alleged democratic means, elections and electioneering, and cultural institutions (press, schools, religion, ethno-nationalism, parliamentary acts etc.) that impose new anti-people policies, ideas etc. and to forcefully transform popular consciousness!
This ruling-class-led transformation of Nigeria in the interest of a numerically-small ruling class and imperialism, especially since 1984, was of course apprehended early by the Nigerian labour movement. Early in 1984, the Nigeria Labour Congress issued a major and combative political and ideological working class statement in the event of “….Military Take-Over of the Governments of the Federation.”—something to that effect! Also in April 1984, ASUU issued the prophetic How To Save Nigeria in Benin City. The apprehension was further articulated by the Nigeria Labour Congress in its July 10, 1986 memo to Babangida’s Political Bureau titled, Towards a Viable and Genuinely Democratic Future. The memo was categorical on the “numerous problems facing Nigerian workers, rural and urban poor” at that time:
The problems of unemployment, insecurity of employment, retrenchment, factory closures, high cost of living, inability to control rent, exorbitant medical care, taxation, excessive school fees and all forms of deprivation”.
Organised labour and the labour movement therefore had its own class-informed programme of transformation that was different from, and opposed to, that of the ruling class. This resistance subsisted until 1988 when most of organised labour surrendered as a result of ruling class attack led by its military wing and internal subversion led by some leaders of organised labour. Although the struggle of the labour movement did not abate, the movement had not managed to return to the Glorious mid-1980s!
Indeed, the situation captured so succinctly above in the NLC memo of July 10 1986 is, today, a child’s play in respect of the economic, social and cultural deprivations of Nigeria’s working class. In other words, the crisis of deprivation and hopelessness had deepened for the Nigerian working class. But more regrettably, the capacity of our organisations, especially “organised labour”, to resist has decreased as the sovereignty of our country had suffered in the hands of the ruling class and international finance capital.
Strategies for attaining National and Social Transformation
This discussion is predicated on the assumption that Nigeria’s working people must pursue transformation towards a genuinely independent and self-reliant country with a society in which there is equality, in which there is no exploitation and in which there is economic security. But we agreed that imperialism and the class of exploiters benefit from the subsisting economic structure which produced the current social and cultural conditions of exploitation, deprivation and inequalities. We also agreed that the current economic and social relations are maintained by those who exercise political power. If this situation must be transformed, not alleviated, if we must abolish exploitation and poverty, not reduce it or make it tolerable, only the victims of the current situation can organise to bring that transformation about.
But trade unions, which we said ought to function as one of the key spearheads of the struggles of the oppressed, are products of laws; laws made by the ruling class and crafted invariably to sustain the upper hand of the ruling class as we have seen. This is why, in fact, the first trade unions were illegal organisations. Workers had to fight for the right to have trade unions. The trade unions are fighting organisations and workers must struggle to expand the economic and political clout of their unions and their central labour organisations.
We must continue to pay attention to the history of trade unions as a spearhead of the working class in Nigeria because the history points to the possibilities in them for social transformation. Transformation itself results from tactical successes and cumulative gains which are made possible, in the first instance, by the vigilance and struggles of the victims along with the resistance of the trade unions and central labour organisations like TUCN and NLC. A central element of the strategy for transformation is good organisation of the trade unions predicated on committed leadership and vigilant rank-and-file. The production and reproduction of such leaderships and rank-and-file depend of course on commitment to internal democracy in the unions, absolute supremacy of members’ interests and deliberate enhancement of the economic, social class, and cultural consciousness of the rank-and-file through intense, non-tokenist, and well thought-out worker education programmes.
Beyond organisation at industrial union level, TUCN and the Nigeria Labour Congress need to strengthen the commitment of industrial unions to the trade union centres. Trade union independence and jurisdictional limits must not prevent joint educational programmes, solidarity actions, supportive press statements, joint rallies and even sympathy strikes and other industrial actions.
TPAP-M, Class Struggle, Class Ideology and Class Unity: The immediate tasks.
The foregoing brings us to the task of building a working peoples’ political organisation—an organisation that possesses strategies and capacity to defend the interests of working people with or without “liberal democracy”; i.e. with or without participating in electionism. A working peoples’ party must be built with a definite identity; not one that will canvass leadership from ruling-class parties or one whose leaders decide to contest elections in ruling class parties. This had been the problem of building the labour Party from the “Labour and the Transition Programme” Conference at Calabar in April 1989—over twenty years ago!
Arising from the apprehensions of the nexus between class interests and class power in social transformation, the attempts by elements of Nigeria’s labour movement to forge political platforms have been taking place since about 1930. The Benin Declaration (of 22nd September 2002) marking the 100th birthday of late Comrade M.A.O. Imuodu reiterated, among other things:
We proclaim to the world our realisation of the very severe limit of trade unionism. Like M.A.O Imuodu, our comrade and leader for years, we fully realise that our struggle has to be for liberation and must be political. We further realise that this struggle can certainly not be waged without a political party of the working people sponsored by the Nigerian working class. We therefore, resolve that there must be a political party of the working people.
We must emphasize that by contemplating labour intervention in the 2023 electoral processes in Nigeria, we are not doing something new! As we already noted above, the Nigerian labour movement started substantive action in this direct close to one hundred years ago when a party, Nigeria Labour Organisation, was formed in 1930!
Since, then there had been various impactful efforts by the labour movement. We already mentioned the formation of the NCNC in 1944. What we have not been emphasizing in recent times is the centrality of class struggle and class ideology in building the party that will emancipate Nigeria’s working people. The questions of class struggle and working class ideology need to be posed more clearly and more consistently in order to create organisational unity that will establish a political party built and sustained by the exploited masses of Nigeria and their allies.
Once these questions are posed sharply, it will become obvious that the ideology which emerges from the foundation, practice and theory of class struggle is Socialism; and the goal becomes evident as Socialist Transformation of Nigeria whose immediate and minimum tasks are spelt out in TPAP-M’s post-Summit mass-circulated leaflet: “What We Stand For” of March 2021:
We are convinced that a New Nigeria is Possible. In view of the commitment of the movement to the said goal, the Summit declared the central and cardinal positions of TPAP-M as follows:
1. The need for the transformation of Nigeria from an under-developed capitalist, neo-colonial, Nigeria to a socialist Nigeria for the benefit of all Nigerians irrespective of their ethnic origin, religion, or gender.
2. The need to struggle for genuine democracy based on power and social and economic interests of the masses rather than the interests of the rich few.
3. The crisis of poverty, corruption at all levels, insecurity, generalized violence and fear imposed on Nigeria, especially today, all resulted from ruling class capitalist system. In view of above; TPAP-M stands for the following:
a- Popular and democratic control of the commanding sectors of production, distribution, and exchange to enable planning in the overall interest of the masses. In particular, we must stop and reverse the auction and looting of public property which they call privatization.
b- Arising from popular democratic control of economic and social policies, to ensure and guarantee universal access to basic economic, social and cultural needs (affordable houses, food, clean water, security, health care, education, healthy environment, etc.) especially through public investment in mass gainful employment.
c- Opposition to divisive political mobilizations based on ethnicity and religion.
d- Uncompromising commitment to the interest of all the oppressed, toiling and working masses across the length and breadth of Nigeria.
e- The full ownership of the struggle and fight for the liberation of Nigeria by the mass of Nigeria themselves in order to grow and reproduce leadership within the struggle of the oppressed and marginalized.
f- Struggle on the side of the labour movement to acquire capacity for critical and central role in the struggle and fight for the liberation of Nigeria.
g- While we are not against the right to self-determination, we shall carry out systematic mass education to expose campaigns based on prejudices and divide-and-rule that enable the Nigerian ruling class and their ethnic coalitions to maintain the exploitation and oppression of the masses AS A CLASS. TPAP-Movement insists that class struggle is central to liberation of the oppressed the World over!
h- National and international, solidarity with, and among, the oppressed.
i- Eradication, especially based on mass action, of social injustice, inequality and abuse of power by holders of public office and law-enforcement agencies in Nigeria.
The foregoing summary of our immediate tasks arises from the understanding by the Peoples Alternative Political Movement (TPAP-M) of the connection of class struggle, class ideology (socialism) and unity which have propelled our movement, the labour movement, since colonial days, elections or no elections, and against ruling-class dictatorships— military, civilian or the current combination of both! It is the foregoing understanding, which we must reinstate, that enabled TPAP-M to contextualise our movement and historical moments and avoid confusing them! This is why TPAP-M, in its March 2021 mass-circulated leaflet, “Who We Are”, described itself as:
[We are] a coalition of organisations and individuals committed to the building of a Mass Workers’ Party, towards bringing about the socialist transformation of Nigeria. The coalition comprises of socialist and socialist-led organisations, trade unions and citizens and pan-Nigerian organisations and initiatives. . .
It is important that we emphasize the constancy of socialism as the ideology of the labour movement, our movement, in Nigeria. Article 9B of the NCNC Manifesto for the 1954 General Election in Nigeria stipulated socialism as the party’s ideology. Thirty years or so later in 1986, our movement under the auspices of organised labour mass-circulated an essentially socialist document, among others, titled Towards a Viable and Genuinely Democratic Future. The mass endorsement of Socialist Ideology for Nigeria, during the 1986 Political Debate organised by the military junta itself, was the outcome of the mass mobilisation carried out by our movement!
The Movement and the Moments: 2023 Elections and Beyond
Let us level with one another.
A whole lot of political activities we are witnessing recently is largely about 2023 General Elections. Most organisations and political actors, as usual, watched the deterioration of the conditions of ordinary Nigerians, the general decay in our country, the unprecedented escalation of human-rights abuses, etc. as spectators. While our movement acted openly and in organised version situation on a day-to-day basis and on the side of the victims, most individuals political associations, even segments of the labour movement now in frenzied political manoeuvring over 2023 have been, if at all, only marginally in touch (day-to-day) with the masses of the victims of unending poverty-inducing policies of the overlapping generations of the Nigerian ruling class.
Since we are talking about the possible intervention (in 2023) of organised labour or at best the labour movement in its entirety, three options for direct engagement in the electoral contests of 2023 are available.
The first option is an independent, registered or unregistered but substantive in all material particulars, working-class party that mobilises on the basis of working class ideology. It doesn’t appear to me that organised labour has built a foundation or even capacity and unity for this option in spite of the constant admonition, over time, that labour should do so.
The lack of preparedness for this first option is what leads to the embarrassing situation in which “labour leaders” join ruling class parties and operate invariably as class enemies reinforcing conditions that subvert the confidence of the working class in their own political ideology, organisations and relevance!
The second option for organised labour is to form an electoral alliance with political formations that call themselves “progressives” but not “socialists” or “working class” parties—many of these are mushrooming now apart from APC! “Organised labour”, given the state of its preparedness, the current level of unity at ideological and organisational levels is not likely to survive in such an alliance or be able to persuade their so-called “progressive” allies in the direction of socialist transformation.
The third option, one that will be consistent with the centrality of class struggle, socialist ideology and thorough-going socialist transformation, will be movement-based. The movement strategy will fully integrate and unite “Organised labour” with the entire labour movement and all its allies. This strategy will immediately enable Nigeria’s working people to defend themselves, day-to-day, against all anti-people policies, develop leadership consistently among the people, build movement power for political engagement (including building an independent political party) that can credibly challenge ruling-class parties and power by itself or via viable alliances with a party or parties that is (are) committed socialism.
This is the systematic response of TPAP-M to the task ahead of the labour movement and from which organised labour, even for maintaining its own faithfulness to labour-movement tradition and effectiveness, must not, and cannot, distance itself. The organised power of organised labour is also crucial for building synergy among various aspects of the work of the labour movement—public education and popular mobilisation, defence of popular cause, solidarity with students and the youth, support for community action and mobilisation, and promotion and support of gender and women rights, etc.
As a movement, TPAP-M recognises the General Elections of 2023 as a particular moment like many moments before it and other moments beyond it. TPAP-M committees are working on both the Constitution and the Manifesto of a political party sponsored by TPAP-M—The Peoples Alternative Party (TPAP) as mandated by TPAP-M’s Interim National Steering Committee.
Our movement, contemplated broadly in time and space, must respond to moments like the 2003 General Elections strategically. The Nigerian ruling class constitutes a danger today especially because of its constant fear of, and hostility to, the masses across Nigeria, and because of its irresponsibility and capacity for generating chaos and confusion for and among our people. Our engagement with electoral politics under this circumstance in which the processes and goals of democratic rule is rigged against active and material agency of the masses, must recognise the 2023 General Elections as a moment in which our movement and the party or coalition deployed for engagement are instruments for advancing class struggle and socialism as a duty.
The task of building a political platform owned by Nigeria’s working class has, today, assumed a greater urgency. For, in spite of the growing violence within the ruling circles and the posturing among fractions of the class that call themselves “progressives”, their social and economic philosophies are the same! Neo-liberalism! They insist that the moribund private sector will drive Nigeria’s economy. They endorse deregulation of minimum wage; they endorse auctioning of public assets and privatisation of social services (education, health services, housing etc.) and public infrastructures (roads, power supply, water supply, etc.). They are uniformly hostile to trade unions, and their leading lights are all accomplices in the crimes of previous ruling class regimes (military and civilian) against the Nigerian working class and their organisations!
But we must remember that when a new Labour Party was inaugurated in Abuja on February 28, 2004 with a definitive parentage of the Nigeria Labour Congress, it showed all the congenital disabilities of the Labour Party that was proclaimed at Iganmu (Lagos) on May 20, 1989! We don’t appear to have overcome these disabilities!
The party of Nigeria’s working class cannot be a party owned by the “leaders”. It cannot be a party that is timid about the ideology and practices of the working class! It cannot be a party where there is no grass-root education and debate. It cannot be a party that is distant or unconcerned about the daily struggles of trade unions, working people generally, the youth and the students and various other allies. It cannot be a party privatised by the “leaders” of the labour movement or the core of the movement represented as the TUCN or the Nigeria Labour Congress! It cannot be a party that “leaders” use a bargain for offices or for candidature in the ruling-class parties as had been happening since 1989 when the Labour Party was used to bargain with Babangida’s Social Democratic Party (SDP).
We are raising all these issues here because we must understand why a truly influential working people’s political platform had not emerged! First, the painstaking effort of building at the grass-root was not undertaken. Where they were undertaken, they were not advanced and reproduced. We were looking for short-cuts! The model of local labour committees, recommended itself particularly for grass-root mobilisation, education and conscientisation. It is a level where a concrete alliance of workers, advanced leaders of trade unions, students and the youth, intellectuals, peasants, artisans, market men and women can build a genuine popular base for a working peoples’ political platform. We may call these committees Labour Support Committees. They need to be established immediately at state and local government levels!
I do not want to be misunderstood. Leaders—tested leaders–are important for coordinating the proposed political platform at local, state and national levels and the core of the labour movement has a critical role to play in the identification and enabling of these leaders. However, the leaders have to be workers who are persuaded that only conscious working people are genuinely interest in social transformation and they are the only ones that can defend the gains of a transformed society. There is therefore need to build both from below and from above.
Conclusion
We are raising these questions in this auspicious forum, with humility, as workers, and as witnesses and actors who have been on the side of Nigeria’s working people consistently and who have abiding faith in our collective emancipation. We have faith, informed by actual field work and practice, in the enormous capacity of Nigeria’s working people for learning, for teaching us, for organisation and for struggle. We are not spectators, nor are the questions we are raising academic as the ruling class and their agents will claim!
What we are saying is that the core of our strategy of social transformation in favour of working people is found in the history of the struggles of working peoples in Nigeria and other parts of the world. The culture of that struggle needs to become available to, and internalised by, working people and, especially by all those who are truly committed to the liberation of Nigeria’s working class.
Nigeria’s working people have been making demands from the ruling class for centuries. We ought to KNOW NOW, after decades of colonial rule and six decades of neo-colonial capitalist exploitation, that the ruling class will not deliver and they cannot deliver because delivering is against their class interest! That is why they have done everything to retain political power—as a class! The task of Nigeria’s working people, clearly, is to organise and take that political power from the ruling class: by all means necessary!
All of the foregoing underscores the enormity of the task of social transformation confronting Nigeria’s working class. The crisis will not get smaller. The working people of Nigeria must act now!
Long live Trade Union Congress Nigeria!
Long live working People’s Solidarity in Nigeria and the World over!
Long live the Nigeria Labour Congress!
Long live Our Great Country Nigeria!
The Struggle Continues!
Victory is Certain!
Bibliography
Ake, Claude. 1981. Political Economy of Africa. Longman, New York.
Amin, S. 2004. The Liberal Virus: Permanent War and the Americanisation of the World. Pluto Press, London.
Ananaba, Wogu, 1969. The Trade Union Movement in Nigeria. Ethiope Pub. Corp. Benin City.
Asiegbu, J. U. J. 1984. Nigeria and Its British Invaders 1851-1920: A Thematic Documentary History. NOK Publishers (Nigeria) Ltd., Enugu.
ASUU (Academic Staff Union of Universities) 1984. How to Save Nigeria: Communique of ASUU Conference on the Nigerian Economy held at the University of Benin, Benin City, 9th -13th April, 1984.
Klein, Naomi. 2007. The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism. Penguin Books. London.
Madunagu, Edwin 2006. Labour in Nigerian Politics. In: Jeyifo, B., Madunagu, B., Komolafe, K. & Chido, Onuma (Eds.) Understanding Nigeria and the New Imperialism. Clear Line Publications, Calabar. 71-73
Madunagu, Edwin. 2006. History and Tragedy of 1989. Ibid. pp. 210-212.
NLC (Nigeria Labour Congress). 1980. Workers Charter of Demands. NLC, Lagos.
NLC. 1984. Nigerian Workers Socio-Political View-Point in the Situation of Military Take-Over of Governments of the Federation. NLC, Lagos. 6th Jan. 1984.
NLC. 1984a. Towards Economic Recovery. NLC. Lagos.
NLC. 1986. Towards a Viable and Genuinely Democratic Political Future: Nigerian Working Class Position. NLC, Lagos.
Okoye, Mokwugo. 1980. Embattled Men: Profiles in Social Adjustment. Fourth dimension Publishers, Enugu.
Okoye, Mokwugo, 1986. The Politics of Liberation. ASUU National Delegates Conference (NDC) Lecture, Ile-Ife, May 16, 1986, Mimeo.
Olorode, O. 2008. Nigeria and the Global Crises: Intellectual Commitment and the Socialist Collective. The Book Project Ile-Ife.
Sunmonu, H.A. 1997. Trade Unionism in Nigeria: Challenges for the 20th Century. A general overview In: Funmi Adewumi (Ed.) Trade Unionism in Nigeria: Challenges for the 21st Century. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Lagos. pp.1-21.
Toyo, Eskor. (Undated mimeo). Reflections on Nigerian Socialists. 13 pp.
Toyo, Eskor. The Matter of Labour Party. Undated letter to the National Executive Council (NEC), Nigeria Labour Congress. 6 pp.
